Iff 

No.  I. 


MEXICAN  LETTERS 


WRITTEN 


DURING  THE  PROGRESS  OF  THE  LATE  WAR 


BETWEEN  THE 


UNITED  STATES 


AND 


MEXICO, 


BY 


B.  H.  M.  BRACKENRIDGE: 


NOW   COLLECTED     AND     REPUBLISHKD,    WITH    NOTES     AND     CORRECTIONS,     TO   BE 
COMPLETED   IN    TWO   NUMBERS. 


Genus  audax   Japeti. 


WASHINGTON: 

PRINTED  BY  ROBERT  A.  WATERS. 

1850, 

VVW     ..          . JJ^ 


^ 
s» 


77? 


r 


w 


No.  I. 

•/X/N^O^^V-V/NJ-^wfX 

MEXICAN  LETTERS 


WRITTEN 


DURING  THE  PROGRESS  OF  THE  LATE  WAR 


BETWEEN    THE 


UNITED  STATES 


AND 


MEXICO, 


BY 


B.  H.  M.  BRACKENRIDGE: 


COLLECTED  AND  UNPUBLISHED,  WITH  NOTES  AMD  CORRECTIONS,  TO  BK 
COMPLETED  IN  TWO  NUMBERS. 


Genus  audax  Japeti. 


WASHINGTON: 

PRINTED  BY  ROBERT  A.  WATERS. 

1850. 


B  71 


PREFACE. 


One  who  thinks  for  himself,  is  very  apt  to  think 
alone,  or  with  a  minority,  especially  in  our  free  re 
public,  where  there  is  such  proneness  in  opinion  to 
run  into  party.  The  individual  is  restrained  by  party 
trammels  from  ascerting  his  independence,  and  he 
must  adopt  all  the  articles  of  political,  as  well  as  re 
ligious  creeds,  or  be  expelled  from  the  church. 
Although  agreeing  with  the  whigs  generally,  I 
could  not  agree  with  them  in  our  late  war  with 
Mexico,  that  justice  was  on  the  side  of  that  republic ; 
still  less  could  I  approve  of  the  constant  condemna 
tion  of  the  war  in  which  we  were  engaged.  I  ap 
plied  the  same  principle  to  that  war  that  I  did  to  the 
late  war  with  Great  Britain,  (hat  is  to  say,  that  it  be 
comes  every  citizen  to  sustain  his  country  against 
the  common  enemy,  both  by  word  and  deed. 

The  letters  now  collected  and  submitted  to  the 
public,  were  written  in  this  spirit.  The  author  has 
endeavored  to  treat  with  respect  the  opinions  of 
those  who  differed  from  him.  He  does  not  think  he 
can  be  justly  censured  by  any  one  for  attempting  to 
prove  by  fair  and  honest  reasoning,  that  his  country 


was  in  the  right,  and  the  enemy  in  the  wrong.     He 
may  be  condemned  by  his  party  at  the  present  day, 
but  at  a  future  day  the  judgment  may  be  reversed. 
These  letters  may   serve   as  materials  for  history. 
There  will  be  no  difficulty  in  finding  the  records  of 
the  arguments  of  the  administration  party,  which  pro 
moted  and  defended  the  war;  or  of  the  opposition, 
which  denounced  it.     But  before  making  up  a  ver 
dict,  the  voice  of  the  small  number  dissenting  from 
the  latter  ought  also  to  be  heard.     It   is  with  this 
view  chiefly,  that  these  letters  are  collected  and  pre 
served.     There  is,   besides,  usually  a  freshness  in 
the  commentaries  on  contemporary  or  passing  events, 
which  cannot  be  attained  by  historical  compilation, 
however  elegant  and  philosophic,  while  the  former, 
may  be  but  rude  and  unpolished. 

The  author,  although  desirous  of  the  annexation 
of  Texas,  was  fearful  of  the  consequences  of  any  ac 
quisition  of  territory  on  our  southern  borders,  for  the 
single  reason,  that  it  might  endanger  the  harmony  of 
the  Union.  He  foresaw  great  evils  and  dangers  ari 
sing  from  the  quasi  independence  of  Texas,  and 
from  the  certainty  of  the  occupation  of  Upper  Cali 
fornia  by  Great  Britain,  in  case  it  did  not  fall  into  our 
hands.  Looking  into  the  future,  both  of  these  points 
presented  the  probability  of  fearful  collisions  with 
that  power.  We  had  a  Scylla  and  Caribdis  before 
us;  our  bark  could  not  strike  upon  both;  but 
whether  it  will  escape  both,  the  Almighty,  who  has 
thus  far  favored  us  in  a  peculiar  manner,  can  alone 


determine.  As  "to  Mexico,  I  have  long  been  of 
opinion,  that  we  could  never  have  a  peace  on  a  last 
ing  foundation,  without  a  war.  If  that  neighboring 
and  jealous  people  had  still  remained  united  to  the 
Spanish  monarchy,  it  would  have  been  the  same  thing. 
This  event  was  but  removed  farther  off,  or  post 
poned  by  the  acquisition  of  Louisiana  and  the  Mis 
sissippi,  but  soon  or  late,  a  collision  was  inevitable  ; 
and  nothing  else  would  determine  the  terms  on  which 
we  should  live  in  future,  as  neighbors.  To  other 
persons,  all  this  may  appear  visionary  and  idle,  the 
mere  dreams  of  the  closet.  Be  it  so — let  my  opin 
ions  pass  for  what  they  are  worth  ;  they  are,  at  least, 
those  of  a  thinker,  an  observer,  and  an  actor  on 
the  scene. 


LETTER  1. 

Justice  on  the  side  of  Texas  in  her  war  with  Mexico. 

JUNE,  1846'. 
To  the  Editor  of  the  Commercial  Journal : 

We  continually  meet  with  the  phrases  in  newspapers,  English- 
and  American,  and  especially  in  Mexican  documents,  "  the  rob 
bery  and  plunder  of  Mexico,  of  her  province  of  Texas,"  and  of 
the  "  ingratitude  of  the  people  of  Texas."  These  expressions, 
from  frequent  use,  have  come  to  have  some  meaning  attached  to 
them  with  those  who  are  not  acquainted  with  the  true  history  of 
the  case.  Now  what  is  Mexico,  and  what  particular  right  had  she 
ever  to  Texas  ?  She  was  once  a  vice-royalty  of  Spain,  com 
posed  of  various  Intendencies,  or  local  and  subordinate  Govern 
ments.  These  Intendencies,  taking  advantage  of  the  troubles 
of  old  Spain,  set  up  for  themselves,  and  endeavored  to  throw 
off  the  Spanish  dominion,  practising  the  same  thing  that  Texas 
has  done  as  respects  Mexico  ;  and  if  Texas  has  been  ungrate 
ful  to  Mexico,  for  the  same  reason  Mexico  has  been  ungrateful 
to  Spain.  But  the  struggle  for  independence  was  carried  on 
by  them  separately,  and  independently  of  each  other;  not 
united  like  the  British  Colonies  in  the  Revolutionary  War.  It 
may  be  new  to  some  to  be  told  that  Texas  not  only  achieved 
her  own  independence  without  the  aid  of  any  Mexican  Province 
or  Intendency,  but  was  actually  the  means,  throngh  the  Ameri 
cans  then  inhabiting  the  country,  with  the  aid  of  citizens  of  the 
United  States,  of  enabling  the  other  Mexican  Provinces  to  gain 
their  independence.  Before  I  am  done  this  will  be  demonstra 
ted.  Mexico  owes  a  debt  to  the  American  people  of  Texas 
and  of  the  United  States,  for  her  independence,  if  it  be  worth 
anything,  and,  consequently,  the  ingratitude  is  on  her  side.  But 


8 

her  felTorts  were  finally  successful  through  the  treachery  of  Itur- 
bide.  He  was  a  traitor  to  Spain,  in  whose  employment  he 
was,  and  by  one  of  those  military  revolts,  since  of  daily  recur 
rence  in  the  mis-named  Republic  of  Mexico,  overturned  the 
Spanish  authority,  and  proclaimed  himself  Emperor !  The 
empire  was  soon  after  overturned  by  something  approaching 
nearer  to  a  popular  revolution  in  the  Intendencies  or  Provinces. 
An  attempt  at  something  like  a  Republic,  followed  the  down 
fall  of  the  Emperor.  States  were  formed  out  of  the  Intenden 
cies,  and  a  confederated  Republic,  in  imitation  of  the  United 
States,  was  established  in  form,  but  in  form  only.  Texas,  with 
parts  ofjtwo  other  Tntendencies,  was  constituted  one  of  these 
States.  The  confederated  Republic  was  not  long  lived.  It 
fell  to  pieces  or  was  overturned  by  the  military  chiefs,  and  then 
each  State,  was  again  compelled  to  look  out  for  itself.  Some 
submitted,  some  were  subdued  by  this  military  power,  the  only 
real  power ;  and  others  still  retain  their  preference  for  the  fede 
rative  system,  although  compelled  to  submit  to  the  central  au 
thority.  The  only  one  which  did  not  submit  to  the  overthrow 
of  the  Constitution  by  a  military  usurper,  was  ungrateful 
Texas. 

Santa  Anna,  after  having  expelled  Iturbide,  next  overturned 
the  federative  system,  restored  the  central  power  of  the  city  of 
Mexico,  and  at  the  same  time  grasped  the  substance  of  abso 
lute  power,  prudently  avoiding  the  name  of  Emperor.  Troops 
were  sent  to  Texas,  and  these  ungrateful  people  were  gene 
rously  called  upon,  to  give  up  their  religion  and  surrender 
their  rifles  I  The  consequence  was,  that  Coss  and  his  fourteen 
hundred  men  were  driven  over  the  Rio  Grande.  People  talk 
of  the  Texans  having  no  cause  of  war,  now  I  ask  any  one,  who 
has  a  drop  of  American  blood  in  his  veins,  to  say,  what  he 
would  think  of  an  order  by  a  military  despot,  to  the  people  of 
Alleghany  county  for  instance,  to  give  up  their  religion  and 
their  arms'?  But  then  did  not  Mexico  make  grants  of  land  to 


9 

these  ungrateful  American  settlers,  and  did  not  that  entitle  her 
to  call  upon  those  settlers  to  comply  with  her  moderate  re 
quests  ?*  It  is  true,  Mexico  did  make  grants  of  land  in  Texas  ; 
yes,  of  land  which  did  not  belong  to  her,  for  they  were  won 
from  Spain  by  the  Texan  Americans  themselves,  who  consti 
tuted  nine  tenths  of  the  people  of  that  part  of  the  country.  And 

*  Terms  of  reproach  like  these  have  been   applied  to  the  Texans,  even 
from  the  pulpit,  by  learned  divines,  who  are  better  theologians,  than  jurists 
or  statesmen.     As  moral  men,  they  ought  to  beware  how  they  cast  reproach 
on  their  neighbors,   without  being  sure  of  their  facts  ;  and  even  then,  tem 
pered  by  charity.     If  the  allusion  is  to  the  grants  of  land  made  by  Mexico, 
those  grants  were  made  from  the  most  interested  motives.     Texas  contained 
but  two  small  towns,  San  Antonio  and  Nacogdoches ;  all  the  rest  was  a  wil 
derness,  wandered  over  by  the  Camanches  aud  Lipans,  and  other  hostile  In. 
dians,  with  the  exception  of  the  few  American  settlements  formed  by  hardy 
American  pioneers,  and  maintained  by  the  rifle,  at  the  constant  risk  of  life. 
The  object  of  the  Mexican  Government  was  to  cover  their  frontier  from  In 
dian  depredations  by  placing  an  advanced  guard  of  our  countrymen  between 
them  and  their  savage  enemies.     The  lands  of  Texas  were  worse  than  use 
less  and  worthless  to  Mexico,  because  they  merely  served  as  the  place  of 
refuge  for  her  savage  enemies ;  she,  in  fact,  gave  nothing  that  was  of  any 
value  to  her ;  on  the  contrary,  the  grants  were  intended  for  her  own  advan 
tage  and  security.     But  for  these  settlements,  her  whole  frontier  would 
have  been  laid  waste  ;  and  many  a  bloody  battle    was  fought,  and  many   a 
Texan   life  was  lost  in  the  border  war  of  which  the  Mexican  Provinces 
reaped  the  benefit.     But   for  the  Texans,  it  is  diflicut  to  say,  what  would 
have  been  the  condition  of  the  internal    provinces  at  this   day.     After  ex 
pending  millions  in  money  and  labor — after  opening  farms,  building  towns, 
and  rearing  vast  herds  of  cattle,  the  Mexicans  begin  to  discover  its  value, 
and  conceived  the  idea  of  placing  their  peon  slaves  on  the  improved  lands, 
which  were  to  be  parcelled  out  among  military  chiefs.     Besides,  the  sturdy 
republican  predelections  of  the  Americans  settled  in  Texas,  and  their  intel 
ligence,  were  annoying  to  the  leaders  of  the  military  despotismfof  Mexico. 
It  was  conceived,  that  the  purpose  for  which  they  were  invited  to  take  pos 
session  of  the  dangerous  post  of  frontier  settlers,  was  now  accomplished,  and 
that  their  further  services  could  be  dispensed  with  ;  and,  at  the  same  time, 
gratify  the  cupidity  of  their  military  chieftains.     It  was  they  who  were  frus 
trated  in  the  attempt  to  steal  the  Texan  lands,  while  the  Texans  did  nothing 
more  than  defend  their  own— that  which  they  had  created,  and  which  had 
never  been  the  property  of  Mexico. 
2 


10 

what  was  the  next  movement  on  the  part  of  Mexico  ?  These 
grants  were  made  during  the  federative  system — Americans 
were  invited  on  account  of  their  valuable  assistance  in  contend 
ing  against  the  Spanish  monarchy,  and  guarding  the  frontier 
against  hostile  Indians — but  when  they  were  no  longer  needed, 
when  the  lands  improved  by  them,  tempted  the  cupidity  of  the 
military  despots,  and  when  their  sturdy  habits  of  independence 
and  love  of  liberty  stood  in  the  way  of  the  despotic  schemes  of 
the  military  aspirants  and  plunderers  of  Mexico,  the  next  thing 
was  to  expel,  or  exterminate,  the  ungrateful  and  hated  North 
Americans.  Santa  Anna  marched  at  the  head  often  thousand 
men  for  this  holy  purpose.  We  may  judge  of  the  humane 
and  civilized  spirit  of  these  barbarians,  (for  whom  so  much 
sympathy  is  ignorantly  felt  by  some  of  our  fellow  citizens,)'  by 
the  murder  of  Fanning  and  four  hundred  American  Texans  in 
cold  blood,  after  a  surrender  as  prisoners  of  war !  This  more 
than  diabolical  atrocity,  is  scarcely  equalled  by  the  murder  of 
the  Huguenots  by  the  fanatical  ruffian,  Pedro  Menendez. 

I  am  disgusted  when  I  hear  persons  talk  of  the  injured  Mexi 
cans,  when  such  butcheries  as  these  are  passed  in  almost  ap 
proving  silence.  But  Santa  Anna  met,  not  indeed  with  the 
fate  he  deserved,  but  such  an  overthrow,  as  every  true  lover 
of  liberty  and  political  justice  ought  to  desire.  His  forces  were 
driven  across  the  Rio  Grande  ;  Texas  declared  her  indepen 
dence  ;  she  successfully  maintained  it,  and  proclaimed  the  Rio- 
Grande  as  her  boundary,  and  has  devolved  that  claim  upon  us. 
Upon  this  mere  outline  of  facts,  1  appeal  to  every  just  and  un 
prejudiced,  unbigoted  man,  to  say,  how  has  Texas  been  un 
grateful  to  Mexico,  and  how  have  we,  or  Texas,  been  guilty  of 
robbing  Mexico  of  an  independent  State,  which  has  fairly  united 
her  fate  with  ours  ?  Mr.  Webster  says,  Mexico  is  "  the  most 
ill-governed  country  on  earth  ;"  and  I  will  add,  that  her  Govern 
ment  is  the  most  faithless,  unprincipled,  and  cruel.  For  the 
honor  of  humanity,  there  are  noble  exceptions,  doubtless>  among 


11 

+ 
rtie  people  and  her  public  officers,  nevertheless,  such,  with 

too  much  truth,  is  the  general  character  of  both. 

In  1812,  a  young  man  of  the  name  of  Magee,  who  had  been 
a  Lieutenant  in  the  Unsted  States  service,  after  resigning  for 
the  purpose,  assembled  a  force  of  American  riflemen  between 
the  Sabine  and  the  Trinity  Rivers,  and  raised  the  standard  of 
revolt  against  Spain,  ostensibly  under  a  native  named  Bernardo. 
At  this  time,  the  different  attempts  at  revolution  throughout  the 
vice-royalty,  had  been  completely  put  down,  and  the  last  rebel, 
Hidalgo,  publicly  executed.     Magee  took  Nacogdoches,  then 
marched  to  La  Bahia,  where,  with  four  hundred  Americans,  he 
withstood   a   siege   of  three  months,  the    American   riflemen 
making  such  havoc  among  the  Spanish  soldiers  in  their  occa 
sional  sorties,  that  their  commander  was  compelled  to  raise  the 
siege  and  retreat  to  St.  Antonio  ;  Magee,  in  the  meantime  died, 
not  more  than  twenty-two,  years  of  age.     The  Americans,  in 
all,  about  three  hundred,  and  one  hundred  Indians,  pursued  the 
royal  troops  until  within  twelve  miles  of  St.  Antonio.     Here 
they  were  drawn  up  twelve  hundred  strong,  with  six  pieces  of 
artillery.     A  charge  was  made  by  the  American  riflemen,  the 
artillery  taken ;  and  on  the  same  day  they  took  possession  of 
the  town.     About  six  months  after  this,  General  Elisondo,  with 
sixteen  hundred  men,  who  had  approached  the  place,  was  at 
tacked  by  the  Americans  with  about  nine  hundred,  (three  or 
four  hundred  of  them  native  Texans,)  and  completely  routed. 
Two  Spanish    armies  were  thus  entirely  destroyed.     A  third, 
under  Arredondo,  would  have  shared  the  same  fate,  but  for  the 
desertion  of  Manchaco  who  led  the  Texan  Spaniards. 

It  thus  appears,  that  the  revolutionary  fire  was  kept  alive  in 
Texas  when  every  where  else  extinguished.  It  was  the  means 
of  exciting  other  revolutionary  attempts  in  different  parts  of 
Mexico.  Even  after  Texas  was  reduced  by  the  Spanish  troops, 
new  attempts  were  continually  made  by  Americans,  and  with 
partial  success,  to  regain  it.  It  was.  through  the  medium  of 


12 

Texas,  that  supplies  were  continually  obtained  to  aid  the  Mexi 
cans   in  all  their   struggles   for   independence.     Hundreds   of 
Americans    sacrificed  their  lives  in  every  part  of  Mexico  in 
support  of  the  cause.     In  the  unfortunate  expedition  of  Gene 
ral  Mina,  not  less  than  three  hundred  Americans  embarked, 
few  of  whom  ever  returned.     I  am  well  convinced  that  without 
the  aid  of  the  ungrateful  Texans,  in  the  supply  of  men,  arms, 
and  means  of  war,  Mexico  could  not  have  gained  her  indepen 
dence.     And  what  was  the  return  made  to  the  citizens  of  the 
United  States  for  this,  and  for  being  first  to  take  her  by  the 
hand,  and  recognize  her  as  an  independent  Republic?     It  was 
natural  for  Americans  to  sympathize  with  their  countrymen  in 
Texas  when  oppressed  by  Mexico,  and  a  determination  avowed 
to  exterminate  them  ;  and  hence,  the  principal  cause  of  offence 
to  Mexico,  which  instigated  the  shocking  treatment  of  Ameri- 
ican  citizens  engaged  in  their  lawful   pursuits  in  that  country, 
under  the  faith  of  treaties.     Nothing  was  more  common  than 
the  imprisonment  of  Americans  in  the  horrid  prisons  of  Mexico  ; 
for  personal  liberty,  which  to  us,  is  the  dearest  thing  on  earth  ; 
with  them,  is  the  cheapest.     Our  trade  with  Mexico  was  almost 
annihilated.     In  every  instance  in  which  American  vessels  were 
seized  under  some  frivolous  pretext  as  an  excuse  for  plunder, 
every  one  on  board  was  thrown  into  prison  among  the  vilest 
malefactors,  and  compelled,  for  an  indefinite  period,  to  undergo 
every  kind  of  suffering,  under  which  a  large  proportion  actually 
perished.     A  stupid  and  barbarous  prejudice — a  fiendish  hos 
tility,  seems  to  prevail  among  thej  great  body  of  that  people 
where  no  opportunity  has  been  afforded  of  becoming  personally 
acquainted  with  us.     It  reminds  one  of  the  ignorant  self-conceit 
and  arrogance  of  the  Chinese,  and  there  seems  to  be  no  way  of 
securing  their  esteem  and  respect,  but  by  adopting  the  course 
pursued  by  the  English  with  the  "Celestials.".     Our  long  for 
bearance   has  doubtless   tended  to  encourage   this   insolence. 
They  received  a  timely  check  from  the  French  when  the  cas- 


13 

tie  of  Ulloa  was  battered  down  with  so  little  ceremony,  and  the 
authorities  required  to  pay  on  the  deck  of  Admiral  Baurin's 
vessel,  a  million  of  dollars,  as  the  estimated  value  of  their  plun 
der  of  French  subjects.  They  now  entertain  a  high  opinion  of 
French  civilization  and  politeness.  England  has  always  held 
them  under  her  thumb,  by  loans,  investments,  and  cajolery, 
and  they  now  look  to  her  for  aid,  support,  and  sympathy.  Eng 
land  has  a  deep  stake  in  Mexico;  it  is  to  be  expected  therefore, 
that  she  will  sympathize  with  her  own  interests ;  that  she  will 
do  all  she  can  to  excite  against  us  the  prejudices  of  the  Mexi 
cans,  exhibiting  our  conduct  through  a  jaundiced  medium,  both 
to  Mexicans  and  Europeans.  No  pains  will  be  spared  to  place 
us  before  the  world  as  in  the  wrong  in  this  contest.  American 
editors  ought  to  be  on  their  guard  against  such  partial  and  in 
terested  representations  as  that  of  J.  D.  Powell's,  "  Chairman 
of  the  South  American  and  Mexican  Association,"  as  well  as 
against  the  low  and  scurrilous  slanders  of  the  British  presses  of 
Montreal. 

H.  M.  BRACKENRIDGE. 


LETTER  2. 

The  first  blow  of  the  War — Fortunate  result — Reflections. 

JULY,  1846. 

Never  was  a  countrv  more  suddenly  raised  up  from  a  state  of 
depression,  to  the  most  enthusiastic  rejoicing  and  gladness,  than 
we  have  been  since  the  late  glorious  intelligence  from  the  Rio 
Grande  !  We  may  talk  about  the  justice  of  the  war,  and  there 
may  be  fanatics  who  would  rejoice  in  the  defeat  of  our  armies, 
but  the  people,  true  to  patriotic  feeling,  rejoice  with  one  heart 
over  the  glorious  achievements  of  our  countrymen.  We  are 
the  same  people  that  we  were  at  the  capture  of  Cornwallis,  and 
at  the  defeat  of  the  British  at  New  Orleans. 

There  was  a  gloom  settling  over  the  public  mind,  and  fears 


14 

\ 

began  to  be  entertained  of  news  like  that  from  Detroit,  at  the 
opening  of  that  unfortunate  campaign.  To  all  appearance, 
General  Taylor  and  his  gallant  army  were  shut  up  in  Fort 
Brown,  and  suddenly  cut  off  by  an  overwhelming  force  of 
Mexicans,  from  his  military  depot  at  Point  Isabel.  If  that 
depot,  defended  by  less  than  a  thousand  men,  its  fortifications 
incomplete,  should  be  assailed  by  the  whole  force  of  Arista  and 
Ampudia,  its  safety  appeared  to  be  hopeless.  If  taken,  the 
army  of  General  Taylor,  shut  up  in  Fort  Brown,  with  supplies 
only  for  a  few  weeks,  would  be  either  compelled  to  surrender, 
or  attempt  to  retreat  to  Corpus  Christi.  The  consequences, 
in  either  case,  would  be  a  triumph  for  the  Mexican  arms,  fatal 
to  all  hope  of  peace. 

I  passed  some  sleepless  nights  in  revolving  the  subject  in  my 
mind.  The  idea  constantly  recurred  to  me,  as  a  sort  of  waking 
dream,  that  General  Taylor  would  leave  a  force  in  Fort  Brown 
and  with  the  main  body  of  his  army  cut  his  way  to  Point  Isabel. 
I  was  disposed  to  blame  him  for  suffering  himself  to  be  separa 
ted  from  his  depot  of  supplies  ;  but  the  war  itself  came  on  him 
suddenly,  and  he  was  obliged  to  wait  the  first  blow.  In  this 
feverish  state  of  mind,  a  friend  came  to  my  house  early  one 
morning  with  two  newspaper  slips  containing  the  accounts  of 
the  two  battles  of  Palo  Alto,  and  Resaca.  Never  was  the 
anxiety  of  a  people  more  suddenly  and  joyfully  relieved  !  It 
was  like  the  anxiety  felt  by  a  family  for  the  fate  of  those 
nearest  and  dearest  to  it.  We  are  peculiarly  a  national  people  ; 
for  every  man  has  a  share  in  the  Government ;  feels  an  interest 
in  it,  as  a  part  owner,  and  he  feeels  his  own  safety  and  honor 
embarked  in  the  same  bottom  with  the  safety  and  honor  of  the 
nation. 

Thank  God,  we  are  safe  !  They  must  be  very  short  sight 
ed  men  who  could  wish  success  to  the  Mexicans.  We  should 
have  had  scenes  of  bloodshed  and  devastation  unparalleled. 
Our  preparations  for  war  would  have  had  to  be  renewed  on  a 


15 

vast  and  expensive  scale;  the  most  extravagant  hopes  in  (lit* 
presumptuous  and  barbarous  enemy  would  have  been  encour 
aged  ;  while  even  the  Sabine,  for  a  boundary,  would  not  have 
contented  them.  Their  demands  would  have  known  no  bounds, 
and  the  prospects  of  peace,  would  have  been  remote  indeed. 
Now,  humbled  and  broken,  their  country  exposed  to  invasion 
and  conquest,  if  we  only  will  it;  undeceived  in  their  fancied 
military  pre-eminence,  they  must  be  insane  if  they  do  not  hasten 
to  sue  for  peace.  1  confess,  i  did  not  look  for  such  decided 
success  in  the  first  blow,  which,  in  wars  and  battles,  is  often 
so  important ;  and  that,  over  a  people  who  have  been  contin 
ually  practising  the  art  of  war,  and  who  ought  to  excel  in  it, 
if  they  can  excel  in  any  thing.  I(  the  history  of  nations  be  a 
history  of  battles,  (as  it  is  said  to  be)  Mexico  will  claim  a 
conspicuous  page  in  that  history.  European  nations,  who  have 
been  in  the  habit  of  judging  others,  chiefly  by  their  military 
prowess,  will  open  their  eyes  when  they  receive  the  news  ; 
for  they  have  already  prognosticated  according  to  their  wishes, 
that  we  must  be  disgraced  in  the  trial  of  arms  with  Mexico. 

I  have  no  doubt,  that  President  Polk  will  lay  hold  of  this 
occasion  to  offer  terms  of  peace.  I  am  not  one  of  those  whigs 
who  believe,  that  it  was  the  predetermined  plan  of  this  admin 
istration  to  involve  the  country  in  a  war  with  Mexico.  1  rather 
accuse  them  of  a  want  of  foresight,  as  to  the  inevitable  result 
of  the  annexation  of  Texas.  If  they  had  been  convinced,  that 
war  would  have  been  the  consequence  of  that  measure,  I  honest 
ly  think,  there  would  have  been  no  annexation.  The  repeat 
ed  declarations,  that  it  would  not  be  followed  by  war,  I  believe, 
were  made  in  sincerity.  For  my  part,  I  thought  differently ; 
the  issue  seemed  to  me  to  be  this — shall  we  take  Texas,  and 
war,  or  leave  the  numerous  questions  of  policy  arising  out  of 
the  independence  of  Texas,  to  take  care  of  themselves,  and  our 
relations  with  Mexico  to  remain  in  the  same  embroiled  state 
for  an  indefinite  period  ?  There  is  a  providence  in  the  affairs 


16 

of  men,  which  shapes  their  fortunes,  "rough  hew  them  as  they 
will." 

I  neither  approve  nor  Condemn  the  course  of  the  adminis 
tration  in  relation  to  this  war.  I  am  convinced  it  would  not, 
intentionally,  endanger  its  popularity  on  such  rocks  and  shoals, 
as  the  expense  and  casualty  of  war  necessarily  present.  A 
demonstration  was  thought  to  be  sufficient  to  secure  the  ad 
vantages  of  a  treaty  of  peace  and  limits,  settling  all  our  diffe 
rences,  and  gratifying  the  nation,  by  a  great  acquisition  of  terri 
tory.  A  small  share  of  the  glory  and  popularity  which  may  at 
tend  this  war,  will  be  reaped  by  the  administration !  These 
will  be  bestowed  on  those  who  are  immediately  engaged  on 
the  scene  of  action.  Our  friends  are  doing  all  they  can  to 
make  it  Mr.  Folk's  war ;  but  the  people  will  persist  in  look 
ing  upon  it,  as  General  Scott's  and  General  Taylor's  war;  so 
far,  at  least,  as  the  glory  is  concerned  ;  if  it  should  prove  disas 
trous,  then,  indeed,  the  administration  will  come  in  for  a  share. 


LETTER  3. 

The  annexation  of  Texas,  the  unavoidable  cause  of  war — The 
energetic  prosecution  of  the  war  the  only  way  to  obtain 
peace. 

SEPTEMBER,  1846. 

SIR:  If  the  editor  of  the  "Commercial  Journal,"  will  look 
over  his  files  he  will  find,  that  two  years  ago  I  gave  my  opin 
ion,  that  the  annexation  of  Texas  would  not  merely  lead  to 
war,  but  would  be  war — that  it  would  be  a  long  war,  and 
that  if  we  carried  the  war  into  Mexico,  would  require  an  addi 
tion  to  our  regular  force  of  at  least  thirty  thousand  men,  and  an 
anuual  expenditure  of  thirty  millions  of  dollars.  1  ask  you 
whether  my  prediction  has  not  been  fulfilled  ?  Yet,  you  must 
suppose,  that  I  say  this  from  friendship  to  Mexico ;  I  have  no 
sympathy  with  either  her  people  or  her  military  despotism.  I 


17 

V 

leel  interested  in  the  honor  of  my  own  country,  and  all  my  hopes 
and  wishes  are  for  the  success  of  her  arms. 

I  do,  moreover,  honestly  believe,  that  as  respects  Mexico,  our 
cause  is  just.  Whether  it  was  within  the  scope  of  possibility 
for  the  Government,  (I  mean  the  whole  Government,  not  the 
Executive  branch  alone,)  by  prudent  measures,  and  by  forbear 
ance,  to  avoid  hostilities,  is  a  question  which  I  do  not  choose  to 
discuss  at  present.  But  I  contend,  that  Texas  Had  a  right  to 
annex  herself  to  the  United  States,  if  she  chose;  that  we 
neither  violated  any  right  of  Mexico  nor  any  treaty  stipulation  in 
accepting  the  offer,  although,  there  is  no  doubt  that,  looking  at 
things  as  they  actually  exist,  the  joint  resolution  of  Congress 
annexing  Texas  would,  inevitably  be  followed  by  war. 

Mexico  has  rejected,  and  continues  to  reject,  all  overtures  of 
peace,  excepting  on  the  condition  of  our  retiring  beyond  the 
Sabine,  and  making  compensation  for  the  wrong  alleged  to 
have  been  done  her,  by  the  annextion  and  military  occupation  of 
her  province  of  Texas.  Having  thus  got  into  war  in  conse 
quence  of  this  step,  the  war  has  become  the  act  of  the  nation, 
and  there  is  no  hope  of  peace  without  concessions,  which  we 
cannot  make.  It  is  useless  for  highly  sublimated  moralists,  and 
highly  honorable  statesman,  to  propose  such  concessions — every 
one  knows,  as  a  matter  of  mere  fact,  that  the  nation  will  not 
consent  to  them.  We  are  in  for  the  war,  and  must  fight  it  out. 
Judging  of  nations  and  men  as  they  are,  and  not,  perhaps,  as 
they  ought  to  be,  there  is  no  other  course. 

Besides,  there  are  points  in  which  we  are  bound  by  positive 
obligations,  not  by  mere  abstract  morality.  We  are  bound  to 
maintain  the  right  of  Texas  to  the  boundary  of  the  Rio  Grande, 
and  we  are  bound  to  secure  the  amount  of  spoliations  due  by 
the  Mexican  Government  to  our  own  citizens.  As  we  are  now 
at  war,  (and  it  is  not  material  as  to  thi$  whether  by  our  act, 
or  that  of  Mexico,)  the  payment  of  that  debt  must  be  secured 
by  sequestration  of  California  or  other  territory,  and  at  the  same 
3 


18 

time,  there  must  be  indemnity  for  the  expenses  of  the  war,  A& 
to  the  prospects  ahead,  that  is,  as  to  the  results  of  the  wary 
they  do  not  appear  to  me  encouraging,  and  as  to  the  prospects 
of  peace,  they  are  still  more  gloomy. 

I  believe  there  is  no  nation  on  the  Globe  more  powerful  for 
defence,  than  we  are.  But  our  power  for  warlike  conquest,  is 
an  idea  which  ought  not  to  be  encouraged,  and  no  people  had 
ever  less  necessity  for  it.  In  order  to  be  conqueror?,  we  must 
have  regular  standing  armies ;  we  must  have  tributary  provinces 
as  Rome  had,  and,  consequently,  a  system  incompatible  with 
our  simple  democratic  republican  institutions.  Unoccupied 
countries,  like  California,  may  be  conquered  by  our  settlements, 
as  Texas  and  some  of  our  States  were  conquered.  In  the 
course  of  time,  the  whole  of  North  America,  and,  perhaps 
South  America,  will  gradually  and  imperceptibly,  yield  to  this 
kind  of  conquest.  But  at  present,  the  countries  beyond  the 
Rio  Grande  are  inhabited  by  a  different  race  of  people,  toa 
numerous  to  be  at  once  absorbed  or  displaced,  and  whose  habits 
and  character  do  not  fit  them  to  become  integral  portions  of 
our  confederacy.  Mere  dependencies  and  colonies  do  not  suit 
the  spirit  of  our  free  institutions. 

The  western  side  of  the  Rio  Grande  presents  a  very  differ 
ent  case  from  that  of  Texas,  settled  by  our  own  people,  and 
which  but  a  few  years  ago  was  little  better  than  a  wilderness,  a 
frontier  to  Mexico,  as  well  as  to  us.  The  States  of  New  Leon, 
Coawilla,  and  Tamaulipas,  contain  half  a  million  of  people, 
have  been  settled  two  hundred  years,  and  contain  ancient  cities 
and  towns.  They  are  spread  over  a  surface  as  large  as  Virginia 
and  the  Carolinas,  and  backed  by  other  more  extensive  States  to 
wards  Mexico.  If  the  struggle  lay  only  between  the  Mexican 
military  and  our  armies,  a  few  decisive  battles  might  end  the  con 
test.  But  we  have  tb  overcome  the  prejudices,  ignorance,  and 
antipathies  of  the  population,  a  conquest  a  thousand  times  more 
difficult  than  that  of  arms.  And  are  we  certain  that  the  people  of 


19 

Cnose  States  will  remain  perfectly  passive,  and  that  their  coun 
trymen  beyond  the  Sierra  Madre,  cannot  be  rendered  formida 
ble  as  guerrillas  ?  Our  estimate  of  them  may  be  too  low.  In 
case  of  some  severe  reverse,  their  numbers,  should  they  rise  en 
masse,  may  overwhelm  detached  bodies  of  our  troops.  The 
proclamation  of  Ampudia,  denouncing  as  traitors,  all  who  will 
hold  intercourse  with  our  people,  has  had  its  effect.  The  peo 
ple  will  become  exasperated  at  the  outrages  which  will,  in  all 
probability,  be  committed  by  our  irregular  troops,  and  the  guer 
rilla  warfare  will  bristle  over  the  whole  country.  Few  among 
us  are  aware  of  its  vast  extent.  It  is  for  the  greater  part  com 
posed  of  barren  mountains  and  arid  plains,  interspersed  with 
fertile  valleys,  and  entirely  unlike  our  western  States.  We  will 
have  to  guard  a  frontier  of  two  thousand  miles,  from  Santa  Fee 
«o  Matamoras,  without  mentioning  California.  We  will  have 
to  garrison  all  the  principal  towns  between  the  Rio  Grande 
and  the  Sierra  Madre.  If  we  attempt  to  advance  beyond  Mon 
terey,  we  must  force  our  way  through  a  population  of  several 
millions,  after  crossing  a  desert  of  several  hundred  miles. 
Conquests  are  easy  enough,  when  people  are  willing  to  be  con 
quered,  but  when  they  determine  to  resist,  it  is  a  very  different 
matter.  When  Napoleon  attempted  the  conquset  of  Spain, 
after  the  manner  that  Edward  I  undertook  that  of  Scotland, 
he  had  possession  of  Madrid  and  all  the  principal  cities,  with 
five  hundred  thousand  of  the  best  troops  in  the  world,  and  yet, 
in  less  than  three  years,  his  Generals  were  driven  out  with  a 
remnant  of  thirty  thousand  men  !  The  capture  of  Burgoy  ne  and 
of  Cornwallis,  show  what  a  critical  thing  it  is  for  an  invading 
army  to  penetrate  an  enemy's  country,  with  the  wave  of  an 
unconquered  people  closing  behind  them.  Our  armies  are 
about  to  operate  in  a  country  without  roads,  without  supplies 
or  resources,  through  defiles,  over  deserts  without  water,  and 
under  a  burning  sun.  I  have  great  confidence  in  them,  and  I 
believe  that  whatever  can  be  done,  they  will  do,  but  shall  not 


20 

expect  impossibilities  of  them.  They  may  reach  and  take  Mon 
terey,  after  hard  fighting  and  much  suffering,  and  then  be  com 
pelled,  by  superior  numbers,  to  fall  back  on  the  Rio  Grande,  and 
fortifying  themselves,  carry  on  a  war  of  detachments  with  little 
prospect  of  any  definitive  result.  There  is  no  hope  of  bringing 
the  war  to  a  speedy  close  without  putting  in  the  field  at  least 
twenty  thousand  regulars  and  thirty  thousand  volunteers,  and 
their  advancing  from  Monterey  and  Vera  Cruz,  after  taking 
those  places.  The  advance  on  the  capital  ought  to  be  made 
at  the  same  time,  so  as  to  compel  Santa  Anna  to  divide  his 
force. 

A  good  deal  has  been  said  about  the  extension  of  slavery  beyond 
the  Rio  Grande.  My  design  in  these  letters  is  simply  to  state  facts 
and  give  honest  opinions.  I  am  not  an  abolitionist,  nor  inter 
ested  in  the  question  of  slavery,  nor  will  I  suffer  my  party  feel 
ings  to  bias  my  judgment  in  relation  to  Mr.  Polk  and  the 
democratic  administration.  The  idea  of  negro  slavery  beyond 
the  Rio  Grande,  is,  in  my  opinion,  erroneous.  The  climate  is 
doubtless,  adapted  to  the  culture  of  sugar  and  cotton  ;  but  then 
negro  slaves  cannot  be  retained  on  the  Mexican  frontier  longer 
than  they  shall  think  proper  to  remain  in  slavery.  They  would 
escape  into  Mexican  territory  when  they  pleased ;  and  there 
being  but  few  negroes  in  that  country,  and  none  having  been 
held  in  slavery,  they  would  enjoy  a  consideration  there,  un 
known  even  in  the  free  States  of  the  Union.  The  wealthy 
Mexicans  would  not  want  their  services,  as  they  have  already 
a  cheaper  kind  of  servitude  in  their  peons,  or  half  indian  laborers. 
Negro  slavery  was  once  attempted  to  be  introduced  into  Mexi* 
co  for  the  culture  and  manufacture  of  the  sugar  cane,  but  failed, 
and  the  slaves  set  free.  The  peons,  with  a  nominal  free 
dom,  are  actually  slaves.  They  receive  trifling  wages,  scarcely 
sufficient  to  provide  them  with  the  bare  necessaries  of  life.  It 
is  even  doubtful,  whether  a  slave  population  can  be  placed 
Bearer  than  the  Nueces,  on  account  of  their  facilities  for  escape. 


21 

A  large  proportion  of  Southern  Texas  presents  the  same  ob 
jection  to  the  removal  of  the  Southern  planter.  These  Mexi 
can  acquisitions,  or  proposed  acquisitions,  are  greatly  overrated 
in  the  slave  holding  States,  and  the  danger  is  equally  magnified 
in  the  minds  of  those  who  are  opposed  to  the  further  extension 
of  slavery.  Neither  of  these  parties  are  disposed  to  view  the  sub-, 
ject  in  a  practical  light ;  it  is  like  the  dispute  in  the  fable  about 
the  color  of  the  Camelion — one  asserted  that  it  was  black,  and 
the  other  that  it  was  white,  but  when  exposed  to  view,  it  prov 
ed  to  be  green ! 


LETTER  4. 
Victory  of  Monterey. — The  prospects  of  peace 

SEPTEMBER,  1846. 

SIR  :  Another  glorious  victory  has  been  achieved  by  our  gal 
lant  army  !  I  begin  to  think  that  there  is  scarcely  any  thing 
impossible  for  such  men,  with  such  -leaders  as  Taylor  and 
Worth.  The  incidents  of  the  taking  of  Monterey  would  afford 
materials  not  merely  for  a  chapter,  but  a  volume. 

Surely  Mexico  will  now  embrace  our  offer  of  peace.  The 
inability  of  the  Mexicans  to  cope  with  us  is  now  placed  beyond 
a  doubt.  We  have  beaten  them  in  the  field  two  to  one,  they 
attacking  us  ;  and  we  have  taken  one  of  their  strongest  cities 
in  spite  of  fortifications  and  barricades,  and  superior  numbers. 
The  magnanimity  and  generosity  of  the  conquerors  surely  must 
have  some  effect  on  them,  unless  they  are  absolutely  mad. 

The  distance  of  our  army  from  Saltillo  is  about  eighty 
miles,  the  way  lying  through  mountain  gorges  and  narrow  de 
files  capable  of  complete  defence  in  the  hands  of  a  brave  and  de 
termined  people.  It  seems  there  is  something  wanting  in  these 
people,  which  puzzles  me.  It  must  he,  either  want  of  skill  and 


•22 

courage  in  the  officers,  or  a  want  of  patriotism  and  bravery  in 
the  soldiery  and  inhabitants. 

Saltillo  may  be  regarded  as  the  pass  of  the  Sierra  Madre, 
rather  than  Monterey  ;  because,  from  Saltillo  there  is  a  road  to 
Presidio  on  the  Rio  Grande,  and  thence  to  San  Antonio  of 
.Texas.  There  should  be  another  division,  or  rather  army,  to 
take  this  road,  and  form  a  junction  with  General  Taylor  at  Sal 
tillo.  Perhaps,  that  under  General  Wool,  instead  of  preceding 
to  Chewawa,  may  take  that  course.*  The  range  of  mountains 
called  the  Sierra  Madre,  forms  an  impenetrable  barrier  between 
the  States  west  of  the  Rio  Grande  and  the  other  Mexican 
Slates.  There  are  said  to  be  but  three  passes :  the  first, 
from  Tampico,  by  following  the  Panuco  river  from  the  head  of 
its  navigation,  but  affording  only  a  mule  track  ;  the  second,  that 
of  Saltillo;  and  the  third,  by  the  Rio  Conchas  to  Chewawa. 
The  distance  from  Saltillo  to  Tampico,  is  not  less  than  six  hun 
dred  miles ;  and  after  ascending  the  mountains  to  the  table 
land,  there  is  nothing  but  a  dreary  desert  for  at  least  three  hun 
dred  miles.  This,  at  once  suggests  the  difficulty  of  the  march 
to  Mexico ;  and,  also,  the  difficulty  on  the  part  of  Mexico  of 
sending  armies  to  recover  the  country  between  the  mountains 
and  the  Rio  Grande.  If  the  war  should  continue,  which  1 
hope  may  not  be  the  case,  these,  and  other  passes  (for  1  have 
no  doubt  there  are  others)  should  be  seized  and  fortified,  in 
stead  of  making  the  Rio  Grande  the  line  of  defence  ;  establish 
ing  fifty  assailable  points,  instead  of  three,  for  an  enemy's  con 
centrated  force  to  strike  wherever  that  enemy  may  choose.  If 
conquest  be  intended,  or  result  from  the  war,  this  line  of  defence 
along  the  Sierra  Madre  would  be  absolutely  necessary  to  the 
planting  States,  as  slavery  could  not  be  maintained  with  the 
Rio  Grande  as  the  boundary.  In  my  opinion,  the  only  real 
advantage  which  will  be  gained  by  this  extension  of  our  terri- 


*  General  Wool  marched  from  Paras  to  Saltillo. 

. 


23 

tory,  will  be  the  navigation  of  the  Rio  Grande,  which  will  open 
a  trade  with  the  Internal  Provinces  capable  of  vast  extension. 
Few  southern  planters  would  run  the  risk  of  taking  their  slaves 
west  of  the  Rio  Grande,  even  with  the  Sierra  Madre  as  the 
boundary.  They  would,  of  course,  migrate  in  single  families, 
and  their  negroes  could  escape,  if  they  thought  proper,  as  fast 
as  they  came.  I  have  no  doubt,  many  of  them  would  remain 
of  choice,  with  their  owners;  but  they  would  be  insecure  as 
property,  and  that  would  discourage  the  importation.  The 
navigation  of  the  Rio  Grande  is  capable  of  great  improvement, 
and  it  is  ascertained  that  there  is  an  abundance  of  coal  on  its 
banks.  These  banks  will,  some  day,  be  crowded  with  towns  and 
cities,  and  their  fertile  soil  will  support  as  large  a  population  as 
the  Nile. 

There  are  but  two  roads  by  which  the  city  of  Mexico  can 
be  approached  by  our  invading  armies.  The  first  is,  from  Sal- 
tillo,  through  the  populous  States  of  Zacatecas,  Guwadelahara, 
Guanahwato,  San  Louis,  and  Queretaro,  containing  near  four 
millions.  Now,  is  it  probable,  that  these  States  will  offer  no 
resistance  to  the  long  march  of  General  Taylor  at  the  head  of  a 
handful  of  men?  I  do  not  doubt,  but  that  in  the  open  field,  at 
the  head  of  ten  thousand  men,  he  would  beat  three  times  that 
number;  but  the  heavy  loss  sustained  at  Monterey  must  satisfy 
us  that  such  victories  will  be  dearly  bought.  It  cannot  be  said 
that  the  Mexican  soldiers  have  not  fought,  and  on  some  occa 
sions,  have  not  fought  well,  and  they  may  learn  to  fight  better. 
But  let  us  consider  again,  what  an  immense  commissariat  must 
accompany  an  army  on  such  a  march,  to  afford  the  necessary 
supplies.  Those  who  are  urging  the  march  of  General  Taylor 
on  Mexico,  are,  perhaps,  not  as  well  acquainted  as  he  is  with 
what  is  necessary  for  such  an  undertaking.  The  second  road 
is  from  Vera  Cruz,  the  distance  of  three  hundred  miles,  through 
.a  thickly  settled  country,  but  with  numerous  defiles,  and  where 
there  must  be  fighting  at  every  step.  Vera  Cruz  may  be  taken. 


24 

and  will  be  taken,  and  then  the  Castle  will  fall.  Here  will  b* 
a  depot  to  supply  the  invading  army  as  it  shall  advance,  step 
by  step;  and  is  it  likely  we  can  land  an  invading  army  of  suffi 
cient  strength  to  crush  the  forces  of  the  Republic  under  Santa 
Anna?  If, the  Mexicans  make  but  an  indifferent  use  of  the 
means  in  their  power,  it  would  seem  to  me  impossible  for  us  to 
reach  their  capital !  The  province  of  Mexico  alone,  not  as 
large  as  one  of  our  counties,  contains  a  million  and  a  half  of 
people.  If  they  are  like  our  countrymen,  I  should  say  it  would 
be  impossible  for  an  invading  army  of  thirty  thousand  men  to 
penetrate  three  hundred  miles  through  a  country  so  well  forti 
fied  by  nature.  We  must  expect  to  fight  our  way  through  fifty 
thousand  men  at  least,  which  Santa  Anna  could  bring  into  the 
field.  The  country  is  now  united  against  us,  under  his  sway, 
by  every  consideration  of  hatred  and  religious  feeling,  if  not  of 
patriotism.  1  consider  it  madness  to  undertake  such  a  march 
with  twenty  thousand  men,  regulars  and  volunteers,  however 
chivalrous  they  may  be,  if  Santa  Anna  should  throw  himself 
between  Vera  Cruz  and  Mexico,  with  [the  army  he  has  been 
collecting  and  training,  with  so  much  industry  at  San  Louis 
Potosi. 

We  may  hold  the  other  side  of  the  Rio  Grande  ;  and  as  soon 
as  our  people  crowd  into  it,  and  bear  some  proportion  to  the 
population  already  there,  it  may  be  regarded  as  conquered. 
As  to  California,  it  is  already  ours,  and  we  must  soon  be  com 
plete  masters  of  it,  for  it  will  be  occupied  by  our  people.  The 
Texan  side  of  the  Rio  Grande  will  be  ours  in  consequence  of 
the  towns,  garrisons,  and  settlements  which  will  be  rapidly  es 
tablished  there.  We  may  take  Tampico,  and  hold  it;  and  we 
may  also  take  Vera  Cruz,  and  retain  it  until  Mexico  comes  to 
terms  ;  and  it  seems  to  me  impossible  that  she  will  not  do  this 
in  order  to  regain  her  only  seaport,  while  we,  at  the  same  time, 
cut  off  all  her  foreign  trade !  Nothing  but  the  most  stupid, 
blind,  and  ignorant  obstinacy  would  prevent  her  from  treating 


25 

with  us  under  such  circumstances.  I  approve  the  taking 
California,  and  New  Mexico,  for  the  purpose  of  holding  them 
under  sequestration,  until  Mexico  shall  be  willing  to  make  peace 
on  just  and  reasonable  terms.  Since  the  armistice,  on  the 
surrender  of  Monterey,  two  months  must  elapse  before  any 
further  steps  can  be  taken  by  General  Taylor.  He  was  in 
no  condition  to  advance  further  than  Saltillo,  at  any  rate  ; 
and,  perhaps,  without  completing  his  conquests  of  the  coun 
try  east  of  him,  towards  the  gulf,  it  would  have  been  un 
wise  to  have  moved  beyond  Monterey.  He  had  important 
preparations  to  make,  of  a  very  different  character  from  those 
of  his  forced  march  on  that  city.  And,  besides,  he  entertained 
hopes,  as  we  all  did,  that  during  the  breathing  spell,  some  means 
might  be  found  to  put  an  end  to  the  war.  In  the  capitulation 
of  Monterey,  he  has  shown  himself  as  humane  as  he  is  brave. 

LETTER  5. 

. 

Capitulation  of  Monterey — Ideas  of  conquests  in  Mexico* 

OCTOBER  26,  184 

SIR  :  When  I  wrote  my  last  letter  I  had  not  seen  the  capitu 
lation  of  Monterey,  at  least  the  official  report.  It  appears,  that 
the  terms  were  conditional,  and  allow  no  more  time  than  is  ab 
solutely  requisite  for  Gen.  Taylor  to  make  his  arrangements 
for  ulterior  movements.  The  city  was  taken  by  a  forced  march, 
with  only  a  part  of  the  troops.  The  attempt  to  cast  censure, 
by  indirection,  on  this  meritorious  officer,  betrays  a  jealousy  of 
his  growing  popularity.  The  capture  of  Monterey  is  of  im 
mense  importance,  as  well  on  account  of  its  being  one  of  the 
keys  of  Mexico,  as  on  account  of  the  vast  amount  of  public 
property,  in  arms  and  munitions  captured,  which  Mexico  is  in 
no  condition  to  replace.  That  city  was  a  strong  hold  under 


26 

the  Spaniards  before  the  Mexican  revolution,  and  contained  a 
great  quantity  of  cannon,  transported  with  immense  difficulty 
and  expence,  from  the  city  of  Mexico.  It  was  in  fact,  the 
metropolis  of  the  provinces  of  the  Rio  Grande ;  and  if  a  new 
confederacy  should  be  formed  by  those  States,  it  would  be  the 
seat  of  the  federal  Government.  In  a  few  wieks,  the  sickly 
season  will  be  over  ;  the  surviving  sick  will  be  again  fit  for 
duty,  the  commissariat  will  be  enabled  to  complete  its  supplies, 
and  transportation  for  the  army,  considerable  reinforcements 
will  reach  the  seat  of  war,  and  then  we  may  expect  an  onward 
movement. 

General  Taylor  having  now  gained  a  safe  footing,  must  go  to 
work  to  consolidate  his  occupation,  or  if  you  will,  his  conquest 
of  the  country  between  the  Rio  Grande,  the  mountains,  and  the 
Gulf.     This    extensive  tract  of  country,  as  large  as  Italy,  and 
resembling  it  in  scenery,  climate,  and  soil,  is  now  cut  off  by 
our   arms  and  by  its  natural  boundary,  from  the  rest  of  Mexico. 
It  ought  to  be  completely  occupied,  by  fortifying  the  principal 
points  on  the  Rio  Grande,  the  mountain  passes  of  the  Sierra 
Madre,  and  also  by  the  occupation  of  the  chief  towns  of  New 
Leon,  Caawilla,  and  Tamaulipas.     Tampico,  of  course,  must  be 
taken  by  a  combined  land  and  naval  attack.     It  has  a  shallow 
sea  coast  from  Tampico  to  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Grande,  of 
four  hundred  miles'  whilst  it  stretches  east  and  west,  between 
the  mountains  and  the  river,  nearly  double  that  distance.     Here 
is  an  extent  of  surface  equal  to  that  from  the  Potomac  to  the 
Savannah  and  east  of  the  Appalachian  chain.     It  is  capable  of 
containing  four  millions  of  souls,  and  in  the  hands  of  Ameri 
cans,  would  be  rapidly  filled  up  by  them  and  European  emi 
grants.     The  climate  is  said  to  be  delightful,  and  much  more 
temperate  than  might  be  expected  from  its  latitude.     I  have 
rated  its  population  at  five  hundred  thousand  ;    this  estimate 
may  be  too  high  ;  but  it  is  possible,  that  the  common  estimate 


27 

may   be  too  low.     The   following  is  that  given  by   a  recent 

pamphlet,  including  Chewawa: 

New  Leon,    -     -  100,000         Monterey,     -  -  15,000 

Tamaulipas,         -  150,000         Tampico,      -  -     6,000 

Coawilla,       -     -  125,000         Monclova,     -  -     3,000 

Chewawa,      -.    -  112,000         Chewawa,     -  -  30,000 

487,000 

This  population,  it  is  true,  is  scattered  over  a  very  large 
space,  and  more  occupied  in  pastoral,  than  in  agricultural  pur 
suits,  with  little  trade  or  manufactures.  Their  flocks  of  sheep 
and  horned  cattle,  are  immense,  while  they  raise  vest  numbers  of 
horses  and  mules.  Being  shut  out  from  all  communication 
with  the  Southern  provinces,  they  can  be  conquered  by  our 
arms,  and  made  to  stay  conquered,  by  the  American  emigrants 
who  will  immediately  pour  into  every  habitable  district.  A 
small,  well  appointed  regular  army  of  five  thousand  men,  with 
an  equal  number  of  volunteers,  replacing  each  other  at  intervals, 
will  be  sufficient  for  the  purpose. 

The  occupation  of  this  important  country,  should  be  complete 
before  attempting  any  thing  further.  By  grasping  at  too  much, 
we  may  fail  to  realize  any  thing.  If  our  object  be  conquest,  it 
will  be  one  of  the  greatest  (even  thus  circumscribed)  ever  effect 
ed  by  the  same  numerical  force.  After  consolidating  this 
splendid  acquisition,  instead  of  marching  on  the  city  of  Mexico 
I  would  take  the  course  to  Durango,  and  thence  to  Mazatlan* 
on  the  Pacific,  thus  cutting  off  one  haM*  of  the  mine  district' 
and  giving  us  a  direct  communication  with  that  ocean,  of  such 
immence  importance  to  us  in  a  commercial  as  well  as  political 
point  of  view.  If,  however,  the  object  be  merely  to  conquer  a 
peace  with  Mexico,  the  fear  of  losing  at  least  one  half  of  the 
territory  of  the  Republic,  and  the  hope  of  regaining  possession 
of  it,  would  be  an  inducement  to  treat,  which  nothing  but  the 
most  brutish  stupidity  can  resist.  I  fear  she  will  persist  in  the 
same  arrogant  Jolly  which  induced  her  to  declare,  that  she 


28 

would  be  satisfied  with  no  boundery  short  of  the  Sabine.  She 
will  not  consent  to  receive  back  her  territory  by  treaty,  to  the 
Rio  Grand — her  wounded  pride  must  be  appeased  by  regain 
ing  it  by  arms — and  she  will  not  consent  under  any  circumstances, 
to  yield  up  California  and  Santa  Fee  !  We  shall  be  compelled, 
if  she  persists  in  the  determination,  to  hold  to  the  line  of  the 
Sierra  Madre,  and  make  our  boundary  from  Tampico  to  Maxat- 
lan.  There  is  no  doubt  that  the  administration  would  now 
gladly  treat  for  the  boundary  of  the  Rio  Grand  and  a  portion 
of  Upper  California.  But  if  Mexico  persists  in  her  obstinacy, 
we  cannot  retreat  with  safety  or  honor;  we  may  possibly  be 
compelled  to  adopt  the  tropic  of  Cancer,  as  the  line  from  ocean 
to  ocean,  and  thus  add  to  our  confederacy  a  region  as  exten 
sive  as  Europe. 

But  will  England  and  France  look  with  indifference  on  this 
vast  acquisition  of  territory  ?  And  suppose  they  shall  be  dis 
pleased,  what  can  they  allege  against  us  ?  The  necessity  of 
the  conquest  will  have  been  forced  upon  us  by  the  refusal  of 
Mexico  to  treat.  It  is  probable,  that  to  the  boundary  of  the 
Rio  Grand,  and  to  the  acquisition  of  a  portion  of  California, 
with  the  barren  mountains  and  plains  of  New  Mexico,  they 
may  be,  comparatively,  indifferent.  Not  so  with  respect  to  the 
wholesale  acquisition  just  mentioned.  But  what  can  they  say 
— what  can  they  do?  They  must  address  themselves  to  Mexi 
co,  and  compel  her  to  negotiate  with  us,  which  she  still  persists 
in  refusing,  except  on  terms  which  she  knows  it  is  impossible 
for  us  to  concede.  lu  the  meantime,  let  us  not  follow  the  ex 
ample  of  our  proud  and  arrogant  enemy,  and  refuse  all  friendly 
mediation  which  may  lead  to  an  amicable  adjustment  on 
reasonable  terms. 

If,  for  the  next  three  months,  there  should  be  no  treaty  of 
peace  with  Mexico,  I  shall  begin  to  fear  we  have  entered  upon 
an  experiment  which  may  be  attended  with  momentous  conse 
quences.  It  will  be  a  new  find  fearful  career  of  conquest.  I 


29 

cannot  agree  with  those  who  propose  a  retreat ;  and  I  know 
that  the  American  people  will  never  consent  to  it !  Yet,  1  am 
well  aware  of  the  danger  to  our  confederacy,  from  such  a  con 
quest  as  that  of  all  Mexico.  We  must  follow  the  war  where 
ver  it  may  lead ;  and  if  it  lead  to  victory  it  must  end  in  con 
quest  or  a  magnanimous  peace,  when  Mexico  shall  be  at  our 
feet. 


LETTER  6. 

Difficulties  of  the  conquest  of  Mexico.     The  acquisition  of 
California. 

NOVEMBER  2,  1846. 

SIR:  The  conquest  of  Mexico  is  talked  of  as  a  thing  settled, 
and  yet,  how  few  have  examined  the  nature  of  the  undertaking 
and  the  difficulties  to  be  encountered  and  overcome  !  To  form 
some  idea  of  these,  we  must  take  into  consideration  the  number 
of  the  inhabitants  and  the  extent  of  the  country  to  be  conquered. 
It  is  true,  the  warlike  character  and  resources  of  such  a  country, 
may  not  be  in  proportion,  as  is  the  case  with  the  Chinese,  from 
unwillingness  to  keep  pace  with  other  nations  in  the  arts  of 
peace  and  war.  The  Mexicans  are  not  in  this  condition  ;  they 
either  have  adopted  or  may  adopt  all  the  improvements  in  war, 
at  least,  of  modern  European  nations.  Their  military  strength 
ought  to  bear  some  proportion  to  their  numbers  and  resources. 
If  the  Indian  population  is  destitute  of  patriotism,  their  religi 
ous  feelings  and  the  influence  of  the  priesthood,  over  them, 
ought,  in  some  measure,  to  supply  the  deficiency.  Let  us  now 
consider,  what  we  may  expect  to  encounter  in  the  invasion  of 
Mexico, 

The  population  is  estimated  at  eight  millions;  of  these,  five 
millions  are  contained  in  a  comparatively  small  space,  of  which 
the  capital  is  the  centre.  Four  fifths  of  this  number  arc  In- 


30 


dian  peasantry  ;  the  others,  either  of  the  pure  Spanish  race  or 
mixed  with  the  Indian.  The  whole  Mexican  territory  is  said 
to  be  a  million  and  a  half  of  square  miles — the  whole  of  the 
portion  containing  the  five  millions  does  not  exceed  three  hundred 
thousand  square  miles.  The  two  roads,  as  already  mentioned,  are 
from  Saltillo  and  from  Vera  Cruz.  Let  us  see  what  States  and 
population  General  Taylor  would  have  to  pass  through,  and 
then  we  may  form  some  idea  of  the  kind  of  resistance  he  may 
meet,  if  any  defence  at  all  be  attempted  : 


States. 
Zacatecas,  -     -  272,000 
Guanawhato,     -  500,000 
San  Louis,  -     -  250,000 
Queretaro,  -     -  200,000 
Guadelahara,    -  800,000 
Mexico,       -     1,500,000 

Chief  Cities. 
Zacatecas,      -     -  40,000 
Guanawhato,  -     -  60,000 
San  Louis,      -     -  25,000 
Queretaro,      -     -  30,000 
Guadelahara,  -     -  90,000 
Mexico,     -     -      200,000 

3,522,000 

All  the  above  States  must  be  traversed  or  passed  through — • 
they  must  be  occupied  in  such  a  manner  as  to  keep  open  the 
line  of  march  of  the  army.  We  must  not  think  that  our 
marches  will  be  similar  to  an  insurrectionary  movement  among 
themselves.  A  Mexican  General,  at  the  head  of  a  column,  ap 
proaches  the  city  of  Mexico,  or  Guadelahara,  a  pronunciamento 
takes  place  among  the  soldiers  and  citizens,  and  they  invite  the 
insurgent  army  to  enter  as  friends  and  countrymen.  If  we 
look  for  such pronunciamentos  in  favor  of  an  American  invading 
army,  especially  of  heretics,  we  will  be  disappointed.  There 
was  nothing  of  this  at  Monterey,  and  the  further  we  penetrate 
to  the  interior,  the  less  there  will  be  of  this  kind  of  faterniza- 
tion. 

But  did  not  Cortez  take  the  city  of  Mexico  with  only  nine 
hundred  men  ?  Not  exactly  ;  Cortez  had,  as  his  allies,  two 
hundred  thousand  Indian  warriors,  twenty  thousand  of  whom 
were  Tlascalans,  the  bravest  of  that  region.  The  taking  the 


31 

city  occupied  seventy  days,  after  a  terrific  slaughter.  He  di 
vided  his  army  into  four  divisions,  of  fifty  thousand  each,  enter 
ing  the  city  at  different  points,  and  leveling  the  houses  in  the 
way,  until  the  different  armies  met  in  the  great  square.  Even  if 
the  Mexican  armies  should  avoid  pitched  battles,  they  can  fortify 
strong  natural  positions,  and  being  well  provided  with  artillery, 
and  having  good  engineers,  it  would  be  strange  if  they  did  not 
avail  themselves  of  these  advantages.  We  must  expect  hard 
fighting  in  the  mountain  passes  which  abound,  and  also  in 
taking  towns  entirely  constructed  of  brick  or  stone,  and  incom 
bustible.  General  Whitlock  attempted  to  take  the  city  of 
Buenos  Ayres,  which  had  little  or  no  defence,  except  the  bar 
ricades  across  the  streets  and  the  flat  roofs  of  the  houses  ;  his 
army  was  twelve  thousand  strong,  and  was  repulsed  with  great 
loss.  The  Texan  mode  of  burrowing  through  the  houses  had  not 
then  been  invented.  I  do  not  say,  that  General  Taylor  would 
not  be  able  to  reach  Mexico,  but  it  would  be  after  very  hard 
fighting. 

Let  us  now  consider  what  is  to  be  overcome  on  the  Vera 
Cruz  line  of  march. 


State* 

t 

Chief 

Cities. 

Mexico,     -     - 

1,500,000 

Mexico, 

•     200,000 

*Michuacan,  - 

450,000 

Valladolid, 

-       25,000 

*Wahaca,  -     - 

600,000 

Wahaca,     - 

-       40,000 

Puebla       -     - 

900,000 

Puebla,      - 

-       60,000 

Vera  Cruz,     - 

200,000 

Vera  Cruz, 

15,000 

Chiapa,     -     - 

100,000 

Chiapa, 

3,000 

Tobasco     -     - 

75,000 

Tobasco,     - 

5,000 

4,347,000 

The  army,  by  way  of  Vera  Cruz,  would  have  to  pass 
through  four  millions,  and  would  meet  with  greater  difficulties 
on  the  way  than  that  from  Saltillo.  I  am  supposing,  that 
while  the  invading  army  advances  from  this  latter  place,  the 

*  I  have  endeavored  to  accommodate  the  spelling  to  the  pronunciation. 


States  along  the  other  road  will  remain  passive  ;  and  so  of  the 
army  taking  its  march  from  Vera  Cruz,  that  the  northern 
States  will  not  take  part.  But  this  will  not  be  the  case.  It 
will,  therefore,  be  necessary  to  take  both  roads  at  once,  and 
advance  with  two  armies  simultaneously,  at  an  enormous  ex 
pense  and  loss  of  life.  It  is  true,  we  may  find  efficient  allies 
in  the  discords  among  the  Mexicans  themselves,  which  may 
prevent  them  from  uniting  against  us.  The  Indians  may  re 
main  perfectly  passive;  the  men  of  property,  tired  of  internal 
revolutions,  and  despairing  of  ever  seeing  a  settled  government 
in  their  country,  may  desire  to  seek  security  and  peace  under 
the  wings  of  the  American  eagle.  These  dissentions  and  jea 
lousies,  although  of  a  different  kind  from  those  which  favored 
the  conquest  by  Cortez,  may  lead  to  the  same  result.  If  they 
were  a  patriotic  aud  united  people,  the  attempt  to  conquer 
them  would  seem  to  me  hopeless.  Yet,  when  we  consider  the 
force  they  can  bring  into  the  field  in  defence  of  their  homes, 
and  as  they  believe,  of  their  altars,  instigated  by  hatred  towards 
us,  and  that  sense  of  degradation,  which  even  the  dullest  of  the 
human  race  must  feel  at  the  idea  of  subjugation  by  a  foreign 
enemy,  we  cannot  but  expect  a  powerful  resistance.  They 
ought  to  be  able  to  arm  and  embody  two  hundred  thousand 
men  for  defence.  This  is  a  very  different  affair  from  marching 
an  army  a  thousand  miles  to  attack  Texas.  They  would  be 
called  out  to  defend  the  very  soil  on  which  they  exist,  and  it 
seems  incredible,  that  they  would  not  respond  to  the  call. 

And  should  we  make  ourselves  masters  of  the  capital,  will 
this  be  the  conquest  of  the  whole  country  ?  When  Cortez 
took  the  city,  he,  at  the  same  time,  overturned  the  dynasty  and 
Empire  of  Montezuma,  which  had  become  odious  to  the  sur 
rounding  nations.  It  was,  in  fact,  those  nations  which  over 
threw  that  empire,  under  the  guidance  and  with  the  aid  of  the 
Spaniards,  little  thinking,  that  they  were  only  fighting  for  a 
change  of  masters.  And  suppose,  that  notwithstanding  our 
signal  success  in  taking  the  Metropolis,  the  Mexican  Congress 


33 

retiring  to  some  other  city  should  still  persist  in  refusing  to  make 
peace  on  our  terms,  or  on  any  terms,  what  are  we  then  to  do  ? 
We  must  go  on  to  conquer,  and  hold  each  seperate  State,  or 
we  must  retire,  without  either  conquering  the  country  or  con 
quering  a  peace.  We  should  bring  hack  laurels  and  glory,  but 
foiled  and  baffled  in  the  objects  for  which  we  made  such  mighty 
efforts.  And  I  confess,  I  should  be  sorry  to  annex  such  a 
population,  incapable  of  defending  themselves,  incapable  of 
self  government,  and  who  must  be  our  dependants,  or  rather 
bondsmen.  The  conquests  and  annexation  of  nations  on  the 
soil  of  Italy,  gave  strength  to  Rome,  but  when  she  acquired 
distant  provinces  as  dependencies,  and  established  colonies,  the 
government  became  hopelessly  corrupt,  and  the  empire  fell  by 
its  own  weight.  It  is  not  so  much  the  annexation  of  territory, 
as  of  people  unfitted  for  republican  government,  that  I  dread. 
If  it  be  necessary  to  govern  them  as  dependencies,  a  degree  of 
corruption  will  be  so  rapidly  introduced  into  our  Government, 
that  its  whole  character  will  be  changed,  and  republican  virtue 
will  hardly  be  a  name  among  us. 

These,  after  all,  are  but  speculations,  and  may  prove  to  be 
visionary.  Our  scope  of  vision  into  the  future  is  very  limited. 
The  great  event  of  the  war,  in  my  estimation,  is  the  taking  of 
California.  As  respects  Mexico,  it  was  a  mere  waif  or  derelict, 
liable  to  be  seized  by  the  first  comer ;  and,  in  fact,  we  were 
only  about  a  week  before  the  British  squadron,  who  were  utter 
ly  astonished  to  see  our  flag  flying  at  Monterey  and  San  Fran 
cisco,  when  it  was  their  design  to  place  St.  George's  cross  there. 
It  was  merely  a  question  as  to  who  should  occupy  the  country, 
and  surely,  in  such  an  alternative,  no  American  can  hesitate  to 
say,  that  possession  should  be  taken  by  us.  It  was  lost  to 
Mexico,  at  any  rate  ;  and,  in  the  hands  of  Great  Britain,  would 
have  been  an  endless  source  of  vexation  to  us,  and,  perhaps, 
lead  to  ultimate  rupture  with  that  country.  We  have  now  a 
sea  coast  on  the  Pacific  corresponding  to  that  on  the  Atlantic. 
5 


34 

Our  republic  stretches  from  sea  to  sea,  and  in  time,  a  land  com* 
munication  will  be  established  between  the  two,  reducing  the 
distance  more  and  more  every  day.  The  Republic  thus  fronts 
Europe  on  the  east,  and  Asia  on  the  west,  with  an  ocean 
boundary,  beyond  which  we  cannot  go.  Here  let  our  proud 
progress  be  stayed  !  Let  us  be  content  with  filling  up  the  vast 
space,  and  improving  our  condition  and  the  condition  of  our 
fellow  men.  An  immense  commerce  must  spring  up  in  less 
than  half  a  century,  from  our  Pacific  coast,  with  the  five  hun 
dred  millions  of  people,  who  inhabit  the  shores  washed  by  the 
western  and  Indian  oceans  ! 


LETTER  7. 

The  War  will  make  us  letter  acquainted  with  each  other. 

DECEMBER  5,  1846. 

There  is  one  advantage  we  shall  derive  from  the  war:  we 
shall  become  better  acquainted  with  our  southern  neighbor,  and 
she  will  become  better  acquainted  with  us.  Even  in  a  geogra 
phical  point  of  view,  in  spite  of  all  the  writers,  from  Humboldt 
down  to  the  latest,  and  in  spite  of  all  the  map  makers,  the 
American  public,  is  very  imperfectly  acquainted  with  Mexico. 
In  nothing  is  this  more  remarkable  than  in  the  extent  of  surface, 
distance  of  places,  and  in  the  amount  of  population,  of  which 
we  have  no  adequate  conception.  The  ignorance  of  the 
Mexicans  respecting  the  United  Slates  is,  of  course,  still  greater'. 
When  Santa  Anna  invaded  Texas  he  actually  spoke  of  march 
ing  to  Washington  in  case  our  Government  interfered  !  We 
have  very  little  idea  of  the  distance  from  the  Rio  Grande  to 
the  capital  of  Mexico ;  but  the  thousands  who  have  marched 
over  it  in  various  directions,  and  the  numerous  publications 
giving  accounts  of  military  expeditions,  will  render  the  country 


35 

more  familiar  to  our  people  than  it  could  be  in  the  usual  course 
of  things,  in  fifty  years. 

In  our  imaginations,  it  has  been  a  region  of  romance,  asso 
ciated  with  gold  and  silver,  with  a  climate  and  beauty  of  an 
earthly  paradise.  Our  soldiers  and  volunteers  will  return  with 
very  different  impressions  ;  taken  as  a  whole,  it  is  vastly  infe 
rior  to  the  United  States,  in  natural  wealth,  in  fertility  of  soil,  in 
climate,  and  in  every  thing  calculated  to  minister  to  human 
happiness.  That  incessant  craving  for  the  delights  of  the  land 
of  iVlontezurna,  will  be  effectually  cured,  and  with  it,  that  wild 
spirit  of  conquest,  which  has  prevailed  until  now,  in  the  southern 
and  western  portions  of  the  confederacy.  It  will  be  effectually 
cured,  and  nothing  else  would  have  cured  it.  We  shall  rest 
satisfied  that  our  own  is,  incomparably,  a  finer  country,  and,  in 
fact,  one  of  the  most  favored  portions  of  the  Globe.  We  have 
no  tierras  calientes,  where  the  vegetable  growth  is,  indeed, 
most  luxuriant,  but  man  looses  all  his  energy,  and  becomes  little 
better  than  a  vegetable.  Their  tierras  lempladas,  or  temperate 
lands,  in  general,  are  barren  rocks  or  dry  plains,  which  cannot 
be  cultivated  without  irrigation.  And  when  we  look  at  the 
population,  their  want  of  well  ordered  government,  the  barba 
rous  ignorance  and  indolence  of  the  masses,  their  religious,  or 
rather  superstitious  bigotry,  their  robberies  and  assassinations  in 
cold  blood,  where  is  the  American  who  would  not  prefer  his 
own  country  ?  We  have,  no  doubt,  many  things  among  us  to 
deplore  and  to  amend  ;  but  what  are  these  in  comparison  to  the 
state  of  things  continually  presented  in  those  countries  which 
are  said  to  be  "  blessed  of  God  and  cursed  of  man  ?"  1  do  not 
assent  to  the  first  part  of  this  expression,  for,  1  believe,  there  is 
no  portion  of  the  earth,  of  the  same  extent,  "  so  blessed  of 
God,"  as  these  United  States. 

In  one  thing  we  have  been  undeceived  ;  we  supposed  that 
the  Mexicans  are  a  rich  people,  that  is,  possessed  abundant  stores 
of  the  necessaries  and  luxuries  of  life.  So  far  from  it,  that  we 


36 

have  been  compelled  to  draw  nearly  all  of  our  supplies  for  our 
armies  from  the  States.  There  are,  doubtless,  rich  indi 
viduals  among  them,  but  the  mass  of  the  people  are  miserably 
poor.  They  lay  up  no  stores,  and  have  little  beyond  what  is 
required  by  their  immediate  wants.  .  The  very  abundance  of 
the  productions  of  nature  may  be  one  of  the  causes  of  this 
general  poverty.  As  a  people,  they  are  sunk  in  sloth,  in  vice 
and  ignorance.  I  speak' in  general,  for  there  are,  no  doubt, 
numerous  exceptions.  Their  opinions  of  the  "  Yankees,"  as 
they  call  us,  in  contempt  and  derision,  is  likely  to  undergo  an 
entire  change.  They  will  entertain  a  different  opinion  of  us  ; 
they  will  look  upon  us  with  fear  and  respect,  and  will  be  as 
anxious  to  cultivate  a  good  understanding  as  they  were  to  in 
sult  us  and  ill  treat  our  citizens.  Hereafter,  their  Government 
will  take  a  second  thought  before  it  countenances  the  plunder 
and  murder  of  Americans.  Treaties  of  peace  will  be  respected, 
and  we  may  venture  into  the  country  without  danger  to  person 
or  property,  provided  we  conduct  ourselves  with  propriety. 

There  are  many  of  the  geographical  features  of  so  vast  a 
country,  especially  as  to  its  mountains,  table  lands,  and  rivers, 
differing  entirely  from  our  portion  of  the  continent.  For  in 
stance,  the  character  of  the  table  lands  beyond  Monterey  would 
not  be  understood  without  the  explanation,  that  the  Moxican 
mountains  are  not  in  regular  ranges  or  ridges  like  the  Allegha- 
nies,  with  intervening  valleys,  but  present,  on  the  eastern  side, 
the  appearance  of  giant  ramparts  of  naked  rock,  through  which 
fissures  have  been  made  by  torrents ;  while  on  their  summit,  a 
vast  plain,  six  or  seven  thousand  feet  above  the  sea,  like  a  table 
raised  above  the  floor,  stretches  out  for  hundreds  of  miles,  with 
occasional  depressions  and  peaks  piled  up  to  the  height  of  five 
or  six  thousand  feet  more,  and  covered  with  perpetual  snow. 
We  have  no  such  mountains.  The  sides  of  our  mountains  are 
nearly  all  fertile,  at  least,  east  of  the  Mississippi.  The  pre 
cipitous  sides  of  the  Sierra  Madre  are  broken  through  by  seve- 


37 

ral  rivers,  which,  in  the  course  of  a  hundred  miles,  descend  six 
or  seven  thousand  feet,  and  in  consequence  of  this,  excepting  a 
short  distance  from  their  mouths  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  are  not 
fit  for  navigation.     It  is  along  the  courses  of  these  rivers,  that 
the  passes  are  found:  such   as  that  of  the  Panuco  from  Tam- 
pico  ;  that  of  the  Tula,  near  Victoria;  that  of  the  San  Juan, 
from  Monterey  to  Saltillo,  and  the  Conchas,  towards  Chewawa. 
The  want  of  good  roads  from  the  interior,  and  good  harbors  on 
the  Gulf,  essentially  render  the  eastern   portion  of  Mexico,  an 
inland  country.     The  Alvarado,  Guasacualco,  andTobasco,  are 
almost  the  only  exceptions.     The  States  north  and  east  of  the 
Sierra  Madre,  comprising  those  which  we  now  hold,  although  not 
yet  completely  subdued,  have  no  water  transportation  to  the  coast, 
excepting  by  means  of  the  Rio  Grande.     The  want  of  a  car 
riage  road  is  exemplified  by  the  fact,  that  the  British  company 
engaged  in  working  the  mines  of  Catorce,  which  are  not  more 
than  three  hundred  miles  in  a  direct  line  from  Tampico,  having 
landed  their  engines  at  that  place,  could   not  transport   them 
direct  to  San  Luis,   but  were  obliged  to  go  north  towards  Mata 
moras,  and    then  take  the  direction  of  Monterey  and  Saltillo. 
From  the  latter  place,  alter  ascending  to  the  table  land,  they 
proceed   to   San  Louis,  making   a  circuit  of  more  than  twelve 
hundred  miles,  and  which  consumed  four  months. 

The  delightful  country  which  1  have  described,  as  the  States 
of  New  Leon,  Coawilla,  and  Tamaulipas,  is  equal  in  extent  to 
the  eastern  parts  of  Virginia  and  North  and  South  Carolina 
and  large  enough  for  a  kingdom.  It  is,  in  general  a  plain,  but 
not  flat ;  on  the  contrary,  picturesque,  with  a  fine  soil,  admirably 
adapted  to  all  the  productions  of  the  temperate  climates,  but 
free  from  frosts..  This  country  we  shall  be  compelled  to  hold, 
even  if  our  conquests  should  extend  no  further.  We  cannot 
abandon  it  without  a  treaty  of  peace  and  boundaries,  and  to 
which,  from  present  appearances,  Mexico  will  not  agree.  We 
shall  not  give  it  up  unless  for  a  complete  cession  of  California 


38 

and  New  Mexico;  with  the  boundary  of  the  Rio  Grande.  The 
population  of  those  States  is,  now,  perhaps,  equal  to  that  of  our 
Southern  States  during  our  revolutionary  war,  and  would  easily 
contain  four  or  five  millions.  For  defence,  it  ought  now  to 
bring  fifteen  or  twenty  thousand  fighting  men  into  the  field,  in 
guerrilla  parties,  and  poorly  armed.  If  supported  by  some 
regular  troops,  the  rancheros  might  give  us  trouble.  But  cut 
off  from  all  supplies,  with  no  rallying  points  or  fortified  places, 
we  could  by  pushingt  he  war  vigorously,  effectually  subdue  them. 
If  we  Aill  back  on  the  Rio  Grande,  we  leave  the  whole  country 
west  of  it,  open  to  the  operations  of  Santa  Anna;  and  we  shall 
be  compelled  to  establish  a  chain  of  fortifications  along  the  great 
river,  for  at  least  two  thousand  miles.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
table  land  of  the  Sierra  Madre,  and  on  the  west,  towards  the 
Pacific,  being  only  accessible  by  a  few  passes,  the  inhabitants 
once  completely  subdued,  must  remain  so.  That  mountain 
boundary  is,  infinitely,  more  easy  to  defend,  than  the  line  of  the 
river  ;  a  river,  which  would  be  bordered  in  its  whole  length  by 
an  enemy,  who  might  send  detachments  at  any  moment  to  make 
destructive  inroads.  It  would  be  necessary  to  have  both  sides 
of  the  river,  without  which,  it  would  be  a  bad  .boundary.  If 
we  confine  ourselves  to  the  east  side  of  it,  the  inhabitants  on  the 
other  bank,  in  case  of  hostilities,  can  at  any  time  call  in  the  aid 
of  the  Mexican  Government.  Collisions  wiW  be  unavoidable, 
and  Texas  will  be  continually  threatened,  unless  we  keep  up, 
at  great  expense,  a  permanent  force  along  the  line.  But 
taking  the  mountains  as  the  boundary,  we  could  keep  Mexico 
in  her  shell,  until  the  valley  shall  be  filled  by  American  and 
European  population.  There  is,  no  doubt,  unappropriated  land  ; 
but,  even  supposing  the  whole  to  be  claimed  under  grants  to  the 
church,  and  to  individuals,  these  might  justly  be  subjected  to 
forfeitures  and  confiscations,  partial  or  total,  in  case  of  refusal 
to  own  allegiance.  The  tenures  of  all  these  lands  are,  in  their 
nature,  feudal ;  that  is,  the  fee  is  in  the  sovereign,  whoever  that 


39 

may  be,  and  subject  to  be  resumed  and  regranted  at  the  plea 
sure  of  the  sovereign.  The  tenure  or  holding,  is  not  allodial  as 
with  us  ;  it  is  rather  political  or  military,  if  I  may  so  express 
myself,  than  legal.*  This  subject  is  not  generally  understood 
among  us,  and  it  would  occupy  too  much  space  to  explain  it 
more  fully.  If  Mexico  compels  us  to  conquer  the  country 
described,  we  must  annex  it,  but  cannot  do  this  without  re- 
publicanizing  it  first ;  and  this,  again,  cannot  be  done  without 
abolishing  the  feudal  system,  and  changing  the  tenure  of  the 
lands.  Still,  I  am  no  advocate  of  conquest ;  I  would  rather 
take  the  boundary  of  the  Rio  Grande  by  fair  treaty,  than  hold 
the  States  bordering  on  that  river,  by  the  rights  of  war,  which 
are  regarded  by  nil  barbarous  nations,  and  by  Mexico  herself, 
is  the  highest,  and  most  glorious  of  all  titles. 

The  policy  of  Santa  Anna,  at  present,  is  to  act  on  the  defen 
sive,  preparatory  to  taking  the  offensive.  He  is  now  at  work 
at  San  Luis,  in  collecting  and  organizing  a  powerful  army,  the 
most  formidable  ever  yet  seen  in  the  republic.  He  will  address 
himself  to  the  Mexicans,  with  such  appeals  as  may  rouse  them 
to  a  sense  of  their  danger,  and  will,  perhaps,  attempt  to  lay  hold 
of  the  immense  riches  of  the  church,  to  sustain  the  national 
cause.  In  the  latter,  he  will  probally  fail  ;  it  is  the  greater 
power  in  Mexico,  for  power  does  not  centre  exclusively  in  the 
army,  and  but  a  small  portion  of  it  in  the  people,  if  there  can 
be  said  to  be  a  people  at  all.  His  object  is,  no  doubt,  to  make 
himself  a  dictator,  or  an  absolute  despot ;  and  this  he  cannot 
accomplish,  without,  in  the  first  instance,  having  the  support  of 
the  church.  When  sufficiently  strong  by  means  of  the  army, 
he  can  then  use  the  church  as  a  part  of  his  machinery.  Every 
thing  depends  on  his  success  in  this  war.  If  he  succeeds  in 
repelling  the  invasion,  he  will,  in  all  probability,  be  able  to  es 
tablish  his  power  on  a  permanent  footing  of  hereditary  despo- 

*  I  speak  of  the  large  grants,  the  smaller  are  allodial,  as  also,  the  grants 
on  condition  of  settlement. 


40 

tism.  To  conquer  the  country,  our  shortest  course  is,  to  deal 
at  once  with  the  church  and  the  great  land  holders,  and  make 
them  responsible  Tor  their  peons  ;  for  the  proprietors  not  only 
own  the  land,  with  but  few  exceptions,  but  also  own  the  popu 
lation,  just  as  the  Russian  noble  owns  the  serfs  of  his  estate. 

Since  the  Mexican  revolution,  the  States  and  territories 
north  and  west  of  the  line  from  Tampico  to  Mazatlan,  and 
even  the  States  which  I  have  mentioned,  directly  west  of  the 
great  river,  have  been  rapidly  returning  to  their  original  state 
of  barbarism.  Contrary  to  the  usual  course  of  things  on  this 
continent,  the  indian  tribes  have  here  been,  for  years,  encroach 
ing  on  the  whites,  instead  of  being  encroached  upon  and  driven 
back.  In  the  States  of  Durango,  Chewawa,  Sonora,  Sinaloa, 
and  in  Lower  California,  the  Apaches  and  Camanches,  are 
continually  laying  waste,  robbing,  plundering,  and  murdering, 
and  each  succeeding  year,  their  ravages  are  becoming  more  and 
more  extensive.  Under  the  royal  government,  posts  were  es 
tablished  every  where,  troops  were  kept  up,  and  the  inhabitants 
protected,  by  pursuing  the  marauding  parties,  the  only  way  in 
which  a  country  can  be  protected  from  savages.  But  they  did 
not  arm  the  inhabitants,  and  require  them  to  assist  in  defending 
themselves.  There  was  no  militia,  and  consequently,  when 
left  to  themselves,  they  are  perfectly  helpless.  There  could  be 
no  greater  blessing  to  them,  than  to  be  placed  under  the  pro 
tection  of  the  United  States.  I  repeat,  that  my  object  is  not 
to  encourage  a  spirit  of  conquest.  In  indulging  in  these  spec 
ulations,  1  endeavor  to  be  guided  by  the  spirit  of  truth. 

LETTER  8. 

Slight  hopes  of  peace — State  of  the  war — The    situation  of 
General  Taylor. 

JANUARY,  1847. 

SIR:  When  Santa  Anna  declares,  that  there  can  be  no  nego 
tiations  for  peace  until  the  national  territory  shall  have  been 


41 

evacuated  by  the  troops  of  the  United  States,  he  means  by  the 
national  territory,  from  the  Rio  Grande  to  the  Sabine,  as  well  as 
those  portions  of  Mexico,  which  we  now  hold  by  invasion.  Not  a 
single  official  declaration  on  the  part  of  the  Mexican  Government 
can  be  produced,  in  which  any  other  boundary  than  the  Sabine  is 
even  supposed.  In  the  last  proclamation  of  Almonte,  this  is 
the  only  boundary  acknowledged  by  him.  As  long  as  this  is 
maintained  by  Mexico,  peace  is  impossible.  The  Rio  Grande 
was  the  boundary  of  the  Province  of  Texas,  under  the  Spanish 
Government,  and  as  such,  was  claimed,  both  by  France  and 
the  United  States,  as  part  of  Louisiana,  under  the  treaty  of 
llde/onso,  when  ceded  by  Spain.  It  is  the  boundary  claimed 
by  Texas  after  her  separation  from  Tamaulipas  and  Coawilla, 
with  which  Texas  had,  for  a  time,  been  united,  to  form  a  State 
of  the  Mexican  confederacy  ;  and  on  separating  from  that  con 
federacy,  she  returned  to  the  ancient  limits.  It  is  this  ancient 
Texas  we  claim,  and  not  the  Texas  arranged  in  connection 
with  Tamaulipas  and  Coawilla.  But  Santa  Anna  and  Al 
monte  now  acknowledge  no  boundary  but  the  Sabine,  notwith 
standing  their  treaty  with  Texas,  expressly  establishing  the 
Rio  Grande. 

Persons  not  reflecting  on  our  present  position,  as  respects 
our  enemy,  exclaim,  "  let  us  make  peace — let  us  put  an  end  to 
this  unfortunate  war".  This  supposes,  that  it  is  in  our  power 
at  any  moment,  to  make  peace,  when,  from  the  very  declara 
tions  of  Mexico,  she  is  unwilling  to  treat  with  us,  uuless  we 
first  acknowledge  ourselves  vanquished,  and  agree  to  retire, 
yielding  every  thing  we  have  been  contending  for !  ONE  may 
make  war,  but  it  takes  TWO  or  more,  to  make  peace.  We  may, 
indeed,  fall  back  on  the  Rio  Grande,  and  then  to  the  Sabine, 
thus  exposing  ourselves  to  the  contempt  and  derision  of  the 
world ;  and  there  are  well  meaning  people,  who  propose  this 
course.  But,  judging  from  a  knowledge  of  human  nature,  it  is 
not  difficult  to  perceive,  that  the  great  majority  of  the  people  of 
6 


42 

the  United  States  will  never  consent  to  such  a  degrading  sub 
mission,  even  if  it  were  prudent,  as  a  mere  matter  of  interest, 
which  it  is  plainly  not,  however  it  may  be  recommended  by 
abstract  considerations  of  moral  or  religious  duty,  or  rather  of 
sickly  sentimentality. 

Let  us  consider  what  are  the  steps  to  be  taken  to  bring  about 
negotiations  for  peace.  The  olive  branch  ought  to  be  continu 
ally  held  out  to  the  enemy ;  and  our  agents  should  not  be  pre 
vented  by  pride  or  offended  dignity,  from  renewing  at  every 
moment,  the  offer  to  treat.  It  would  be  magnanimous  on  our 
part,  and  also  continue  us  in  the  right.  Suppose  the  proposi 
tion  come  from  Mexico,  what  will  it  be,  and  how  made?  It 
is  not  probable  that  commissioners  will  be  sent  direct  to  Wash 
ington,  or  invited  from  us,  to  Mexico.  A  communication  may 
be  addressed  to  our  Governmet  declaring  a  willingness  to  treat, 
in  all  probability,  clogged  with  conditions  of  the  withdrawal  of 
our  naval  and  military  forces,  ancf  proposing  an  armistice  pend 
ing  negotiations.  To  the  latter,  we  cannot  accede,  without 
giving  decided  advantage  to  the  enemy.  The  evacuation  of 
the  country  we  now  hold  would  not  be  listened  to  fora  moment ; 
it  would  at  once  be  yielding  all  the  advantages  we  have  gained 
at  so  much  cost,  as  the  means  of  coercing  Mexico  to  treat  oj 
peace.  The  attempt  at  negotiation  may  thus  fail  at  various 
stages,  and  it  may  fail  entirely  ;  at  all  events,  there  will  be 
unavoidable  delay.  There  is  nothing  before  us,  at  present,  but 
as  a  vigorous  prosecution  of  the  war,  and  at  the  same  time, 
preparations  on  a  much  larger  scale  than  we  have  hitherto 
made. 

What  is  the  state  of  the  war  at  this  moment  ?  We  have 
made  wonderful  progress,  if  not  towards  conquest,  at  least,  to 
wards  bringing  the  enemy  to  terms.  But  we  are  obliged  to 
keep  up  three  very  extensive  lines,  without  speaking  of  Cali 
fornia  and  New  Mexico.  The  first,  is  along  the  Rio  Grande, 
rorh  Presidio  to  Matamoras,  of  seven  hundred  miles;  the  next* 


43 


from  Comargo  to  Monterey  ;  and  the  third,  from  Tampico 
lo  the  same  place,  a  distance  of  nearly  six  hundred.     It  is  ab 
solutely  necessary  to  keep  up  the  two  first,  in  order  to  furnish 
supplies  for  our  troops  in  all  their  operations;  although,   since 
the  occupation  of  Tampico,  a  portion  of  these  may  be  obtained 
from  that  quarter.     But,  between  the  mountains  and  the  river, 
there  is  an  enemy's  conntry,  which,  although  thinly  inhabited* 
is  capable  of  interrupting  our  communications  by  their  ranchero? 
aided  by  Mexican  troops,  and  led  by  Mexican  officers,  even  i 
they  cannot  bring  a  sufficient  force  at  any  point,  to  meet  ours 
in  the  field.     We   hear  of  large   bodies  of  irregular  cavalry* 
which   may  prove   formidable  in  case  the   war  be  prolonged. 
This  kind  of  force,  thus  far,  appears  to  have  been  much  over- 
ated,  but  it  may  take  lessons  from  us,  :and  improve.     Their 
horses,  although  small,  may  be  better  trained,  and  their  riders, 
equal  to  any  in  the  world,  may  be  provided  with  better  arms  — 
the  sabre,  and  pistol,  and  carbine,   instead  of  the   lance  and 
lasso. 

It  was  supposed  that  there  were  but  two  passes  through  the 
mountains  to  the  table  land  ;  but  a  third,  that  of  Tula,  near 
Victoria,  is  now  spoken  of.  This  river,  appears  to  penetrate 
the  great  barrier  between  Tampico  and  Monterey,  and  takes  its 
rise  in  the  table  land,  between  San  Luis,  and  Zacatecas.  It 
is  possible,  that  the  army  of  Santa  Anna  may,  by  this  route, 
keep  open  a  communication  with  the  valley  of  the  Rio  Grande> 
and  even  send  large  reinforcements  of  cavalry  and  infantry 
through  this  pass,  so  as  to  threaten  our  lines  on  the  Rio  Grande 
and  Tampico.  According  to  the  last  accounts,  our  troops  were 
marching  towards  Victoria.  I  should  think  it  all  important  to 
take  possession  of  that  pass,  and  close  it  completely. 

There  are  still  paragraphs  in  the  papers,  speaking  of  the  in 
tended  march  from  Monterey,  or  Tampico,  to  San  Luis.  I 
think  this  highly  improbable.  It  will  be  unsafe  for  us  to  move 
until  we  are  completely  masters  of  the  whole  country  between 


44 

the  river  and  the  mountains,  and  of  all  the  passes  to  the  table 
land.     It  would  not  do  to  leave  this  country  in  our  rear,  with 
all  our  military  depots,  but  weakly  guarded.     Of  one  thing  I 
will  speak  with  confidence  ;  that  we  shall  need  all  the  troops 
we  have  on  the  present  scene  of  operations,  and  all  we  shall  be 
able  to  send  for  some  time.     The  descent  on  Vera  Cruz,  which 
is  said  to  be  in  preparation,  under  the  immediate  direction  of  the 
commander  in  chief,  General  Scott,  will  require,  at  least,  twenty 
thousand  men,  and  if  any  considerable  proportion  be  withdrawn 
from  General  Taylor,  it  will  leave  him  in  a  very  perilous  situa 
tion.     What  is  to  prevent  Santa  Anna  from  making  his  head 
quarters  at  Victoria  ?     It  is  said,  that  cannon  cannot  be  trans 
ported  by  the  Tula  pass.     This  may,  or  may  not  be.     Things 
deemed  impossible  have  been  accomplished  by  men  of  bold 
and  enterprizing  spirit,  as  he  is  said  to  be.     Napoleon  crossed 
the  Alps  in  spite  of  impossibilities,  and  appeared  suddenly  in 
the  plains  of  Lombardy ;  and  I  should   think  the  difficulties  a 
hundred  times  greater  than  would  be  encountered  by  the  Mexi 
can  Napoleon.     I  confess,  1  entertain  serious  apprehensions  for 
our  troops,  although  of  the  best  materials,  and  admirably  com 
manded. 

Santa  Anna  has,  at  this  moment,  a  great  advantage  ;  he  is 
posted  at   San  Luis  with  an  army  of  twenty   five   or  thirty 
thousand  men.     Thus  concentrated  at  one  point,   he  will   be 
enable  to  strike,  with  his  whole  force,  or  the  greater  part  of  it, 
at  Tampico,  Saltillo,  or  Victoria,  while  our  forces,  are   ne 
cessarily  divided  into  comparatively  small  bodies.     He  can  act 
with  perfect  secrecy,  in  a  friendly  country,  and  with  a  perfect 
knowledge  of  all  our  movements,  while  we  are  ignorant  of  his. 
If  he  should  attack  us  with  his  whole  force  at  any  one  point, 
he  may  roll  back  the  tide  of  war,  and  drive  us  beyond  the  Rio 
Grande.     Under  present-  circumstances,  instead  of  weakening 
our  lines,  prudence  requires  that  we  should  strengthen  them. 
Looking  to  the  hazzards  of  war1,  and  the  dangers  following 


45 

on  conquests,  the  idea  has  suggested  itself,  of  inviting  the 
States  of  the  lower  Rio  Grande  to  establish  a  separate  confed 
eracy,  under  our  protection  ;  and  if  Mexico  persists  in  refusing 
to  treat,  then,  to  enter  into  a  treaty  of  peace,  alliance,  and  limits 
with  this  new  confederacy,  thus  indemnifying  ourselves  for 
Mexican  spoliations,  by  taking  California  and  New  Mexico, 
with  the  right  of  way  to  Mazatlan,  and  leaving  Mexico  to  re 
pent  of  her  folly  at  leisure. 


LETTER  9. 

Present  advantageous  position  of  our  army — The  necessity 
for  greater  efforts — Our  present  force  insufficiet  to  march 
from  Vera  Cruz  to  Mexico. 

FEBRUARY  13-rii,  1847. 

SIR  :  The  last  intelligence  from  the  seat  of  war  has  given  much 
relief  to  those  who  were  beginning  to  feel  uneasy  about  the 
situation  of  our  troops.  Generals  Taylor  and  Patterson  have 
taken  Victoria  or  New  Santander,  and  the  line  is  therefore  es 
tablished  from  Saltillo  to  Tampico.  The  line  of  the  Sierra 
Madre  has  already  been  described ;  it  is  certainly  of  a  very 
peculiar  character ;  it  now  presents  only  three  points  of  at 
tack,  and  that  of  Saltillo,  the  only  one  practicable  for  wheel 
carriages,  and  consequently,  for  the  advance  of  an  army  with 
its  parks  of  artillery.  It  is  from  this  quarter,  alone,  that  Gen 
eral  Taylor  need  fear  the  march  of  Santa  Anna;  but  he  will 
have  to  cross  at  least  three  hundred  miles  of  arid  plains  ;  and 
it  is  said,  that  the  water  tanks  have  been  destroyed  by  his 
order,  which  looks  as  if  he  intended  to  prevent  the  march  of 
General  Taylor  on  San  Luis,  rather  than  undertake  the 
march  to  Saltillo.  It,  appears,  that  he  has  a  large  force  at 
Tula,  about  equi  distant  from  Saltillo  and  Victoria. 

By  guarding  this  line,  the  valley  can  be  cut  off  from  all  sup 
plies  from  Mexico;  with  the  exception  of  a  small  quantity  of 


46 

Indian  com,  and  the  herds  of  the  ranches,  very  little  can  be 
procured  in  it  for  the  support  of  an  army.  Our  own  safety 
requires,  that  we  should  take  possession  of  all  the  principal 
towns  as  soon  as  possible,  and  garrison  them  with  a  sufficient 
force.  It  will,  also,  be  necessary  to  establish  civil  authority, 
for  the  country  thus  cut  off  from  the  central  Government.  Its 
head  must  necessarily  be  military,  as  also  the  local  superior 
authorities,  although  using  the  machinery  of  Alcaldes  &c., 
for  the  purpose  of  carrying  it  on.  The  political  Government, 
must  be  suspended,  as  the  consequence  of  being  cut  off  from 
both  the  State  and  federal  authorities  of  Mexico. 

It  would  now  seem  to  be  the  general  impression,  that  noth 
ing  effectual  can  be  done  to  bring  Mexico  to  terms  without 
taking  Vera  Cruz,  and  marching  to  the  capital  ;  and  this  ap 
pears  to  be  the  opinion  of  General  Taylor  at  least,  that  if  the 
inarch  be  resolved  upon,  then  Vera  Crnz,  is  the  proper  point 
to  start  from  and  not  from  Sallillo.  A  short  time  will  deter 
mine. 

We  have,  thus  far,  been  operating  at  vast  expense  with,  an 
army  of  fifteen  thousand  men,  about  one  half  regulars,  and  the 
other  half,  volunteers,  on  the  remote,  thinly  inhabited,  northern 
frontier  of  Mexico ;  and  we  talk  of  marching  through  a  densly 
peopled  country  with  numerous  defiles  !  If  there  be  any  thing 
like  the  resistance  made  by  us  during  the  revolutionary  war, 
thirty  thousand  men,  at  least,  will  be  required  for  the  march 
from  Vera  Cruz  to  Mexico.  A  part  of  the  force  under  Gene 
ral  Taylor  may  now  be  spared,  but  not  so  as  to  weaken  and 
disable  him  from  repelling  a  part  of  the  army  of  Santa  Anna, 
if  he  should  think  proper  to  detach  it,  for  the  purpose  of  at 
tacking  Saltillo.  It  would  be  presumptuous  in  me  to  venture 
an  opinion  on  military  movements  ;  but  considering  the  formida 
ble  army  now  organized  by  Santa  Anna,  and  the  uncertainty 
as  to  the  point  which  he  means  to  attack,  I  should  think,  that 
it  would  not  be  safe  to  draw  off  any  very  considerable  portion 


47 

of  General  Taylor's  force  from  the  defence  of  the  lines  they  at 
present  occupy. 

ft  is  in  our  power  to  seize  all  her  ports,  and  cut  off  all  the 
trade  of  Mexico;  and  then,  holding  the  lines  we  now  occupy, 
it  will  be  strange,  if  she  persists  in  refusing  to  make  peace. 
The  fear  of  the  loss  of  the  interior  and  northern  provinces,  and 
the  interuption  in  her  trade,  thus  shut  up  in  her  shell,  may 
have  that  effect,  if  any  thing  can.  We  have  for  the  present, 
given  stability  to  her  Government  by  outward  pressure.  Our 
only  security  is  to  retain  the  hold  we  have ;  and  perhaps,  it 
may  be  necessary  to  attempt  something  on  a  still  larger  scale  ; 
but  for  this,  we  are  not  yet  prepared.  General  Scott  may 
take  Vera  Cruz,  and  then  block  up  the  road  to  Mexico,  but  I 
have  seen  no  force  yet,  even  on  paper,  sufficient  to  undertake 
the  march  to  that  capital.  If,  by  withdrawing  a  large  portion  of 
General  Taylor's  force,  the  line  he  now  occupies  be  too  much 
weakened,  Santa  Anna,  will  at  once,  take  advantage  of  it,  and 
regain  the  country  on  that  side  of  the  Rio  Grande.  In  doing 
this,  he  will  com  pell  the  army  which  may  be  landed  at  Vera 
Cruz,  to  return  in  all  haste  to  Tampico,  or  Point  Isabel.  The 
crisis  is  now  fast  approaching,  when  it  will  become  a  question 
of  national  prowess — shall  we  cry,  "  hold,  enough  !"  or  make  a 
mighty  effort  to  obtain  the  victory  ?  I  wish  to  see  my  country 
do  right,  and  justice  to  all  nations  ;  at  the  same  time,  I  should 
be  sorry  to  see  our  flag  humbled,  under  any  circumstances, 
and  in  a  war  with  any  nation  on  the  Globe  !  I  wish  to  see  that 
flag  wave  proudly,  and  respected,  wherever  it  may  be  carried, 
not  tarnished  and  humbled,  by  defeat — insulted,  scorned,  treated 
with  contempt,  instead  of  affording  a  shelter  and  protection  to 
our  citizens,  wherever  they  may  be.  But,  firmly  convinced, 
as  I  am,  that  our  country  is  in  the  right,  and  our  enemy  in  the 
wrong,  I  should  feel  the  mortification  ten  fold,  if  we  failed  to 
obtain  a  just  and  honorable  peace  by  the  only  means  left  us,. 
ajter  our  enemy  has  repeatedly  spurned  the  olive  branch. 


48 


LETTER  10. 

Annexation  of  Texas — The  suspension  of  diplomatic  relations, 
the  immediate  causes  of  the  war. 

FEBRUARY,  1847. 

SIR  :  In  these  letters,  I  have  endeavored  to  repress  all  party 
feeling,  thinking  it  a  duty,  in  a  contest  with  a  foreign  nation,  in 
time  of  actual  war,  to  take  the  side  of  my  country,  unless  so 
grossly  and  palpably  in  the  wrong,  as  to  admit  of  no  justifica- 
tion  or  defence.  I  repeat,  that  it  is  my  sincere  conviction, 
that  justice  is  on  our  side,  and  this  after  as  full,  and  dispassion 
ate  an  examination  of  the  subject*  as  I  am  able  to  bestow. 
The  contrary,  is  generally  assumed,  or  taken  for  granted,  by 
the  party  to  which  I  belong  ;  and  yet  the  speech  of  Mr.  Web 
ster,  at  Philadelphia,  which  expresses  the  same  opinion,  is  high 
ly  applauded.  He  condemns  the  administration  of  Mr.  Polk, 
(not  the  cause  of  the  country,)  solely  on  the  ground  of  bring 
ing  on  a  state  of  actual  hostilities,  without  the  previous  appro 
bation  of  Congress,  while  he  admits,  that  Mexico  is  in  the 
wrong  in  the  causes  which  led  to  it  the  annexation  of  Texas.  But 
the  act  of  the  President,  is  a  domestic  question  between  him  and 
American  people.  The  causes  previously  existing,  and  which 
would  have  justified  Congress  in  making  war,  constitute  a  dif 
ferent  question  from  that  of  expediency,  or  of  the  distribution 
of  powers,  under  the  Constitution.  He  concedes,  that  if  the 
constituted  authorities  of  the  Union  had  thought  proper  to  re 
sort  to  this  course,  there  was  ample  cause  to  justify -it.  To 
this,  I  assent,  and  will  endeavor  to  give  the  reasons  on  which 
my  opinion  is  founded,  according  to  my  view  of  the  subject ; 
professing,  at  the  same  time,  a  sincere  respect  for  the  opinion 
of  those  who  may  differ  from  me.  I  admit  that  the  march 
from  the  Nueces  to  the  Rio  Grande,  had  the  effect  of  hastening 
hostilities;  but,  in  my  opinion,  it  did  no  more  than  hasten,  for 


the  appeal  of  arms  was  inevitable  on  the  annexation  of  Texas* 
unless  Mexico  receded  entirely  from  the  ground  she  had  taken  ; 
of  which,  I  did  not  see  the  slightest  probability,  unless  compell 
ed  to  do  so,  by  the  consequences  x>f  war,  whether  begun  by 
her  or  by  us. 

Mexico  denounces  the  war  as  being  aggressive  on  our  part, 
but  in  all  the  official  State  Papers  of  the  high  functionaries  of 
that  Republic,  (I  do  not  refer  to  subordinate  officers  or  gene- 
rals>)  in  all  their  manifestoes,  that  aggression  is  distinctly  de 
clared  to  be  the  annexation  of  Texas.  It  was  on  this  ground, 
that  she  put  an  end  to  all  diplomatic  intercourse,  after  having 
previously  announced  that  she  would  consider  annexation  as 
equivalent  to  a  declaration  of  war,  on  our  part.  It  was  on  this 
ground,  that  she  refused  to  resume  a  diplomatic  intercourse, 
and  enter  into  negotiation  for  a  peaceful  adjustment  of  existing 
differences,  until  satisfaction  should  first  be  made  for  the  alleged 
wrong.  She  has  not  limited  her  complaints  of  alleged  aggres 
sion  to  the  march  of  our  troops  to  the  Rio  Grande  ;  her  com 
plaint  is,  the  being  deprived  of  her  province  of  Texas,  which 
she  will  never  renounce ;  and  she  declares  her  determination 
never  to  listen  to  overtures  of  peace,  until  that  -province  shall 
be  evacuated  by  us.  '  Has  she,  on  any  occasion,  shown  a  wil 
lingness  to  accept  any  other  boundary  than  the  Sabine?  J 
have  seen  no  intimation  of  this  kind,  emanating  from  her  Presi 
dent  or  Congress.  The  contrary  is  unchangeably  persisted  in.* 
In  fact,  it  coul  J  not  occur  while  she  persists  in  her  right  to  the 
whole  of  Texas.  The  annexation  is  the  casus  belli  on  the  part 
of  Mexico — the  paramount  consideration — every  thing  else,  is 
but  incidental,  or  subordinate.  The  very  idea  of  fixing  any 
other  boundary,  would  imply  a  relinquishment  of  her  claim. 

Now,  that  great  statesman,  Mr.  Webster,  has  proved  on 
various  occasions,  and  especially  in  his  Philadelphia  speech* 

*  There  is  no  distinct  assertion  of  boundary  in  any  of  her  official  paper* 
down  to  the  war  proclamation  of  the  23d  of  April,  1846, 
7 


50 

that  annexation  of  Texas  to  the  United  States  was  no  cause 
of  war,  because  Texas  was  as  much  an  independent  State  as 
Mexico.     The  act  was  no  more  a  cause  of  war  on  the  part  of 
Mexico,  than  her  annexation  to  the  United  States  would  have 
been  a  cause  of  war  on  the  part  of  Texas.     If  Mr.  Webster  be 
correct,  and  I  think  his  argument  unanswerable,  was  Mexico 
justifiable  in  the  course  pursued   by  her  towards  us  on  account 
of  that  act  ?     Was  she  justifiable  in  withdrawing  her  minister, 
and  ordering  away  the  minister  of  the  United  States?     These 
were  very  high  handed  and  insulting  measures,  and  attended? 
necessarily,  with  the  serious  consequence  of  putting  an  end  to 
all  peaceful  modes  of  adjusting  differences,  and  leaving  the  only 
alternatives  of,  submission,  or  war,  on  our  part.     But,  under  the 
circumstances  in  which  Mexico  was  placed  towards  us,  it  was 
an  act  of  gross  injustice,  as  well  as  insult.     Sfie  had  a  treaty 
obligation  to  fulfil,  in  the  payment  of  several  millions,  as  the 
indemnity  for  wrongs  done  to  American  citizens,  and  demands 
had  been  made  upon  her  Jor  several  millions  more,  which  re- 
mained  unadjusted.     There  was,  also,  a  question  of  boundary 
to  settle — all  these  matters  must  be  settled  either  peaceably,  or 
by  war — if  peaceably,  the  continuance,  or  re-establishment  of 
diplomatic  intercourse,  was   indispensable.     Her  conduct  was 
like  that  of  the  debtor  who  cuts  the  acquaintance  of  his  credi 
tor,  and  thinks  by  that  means,  to  avoid  fulfilling  his  obligations. 
Let  me  ask,  what  would  have  been  the  course  pursued,  (if 
placed  in  our  situation,)  by  England  or  France,  or  any  other 
high    minded    Government  ?     I  ask  any   candid  man  to  say, 
whether  they  would  have  borne  it  as  patiently  as  we  have  done? 
1  would  ask  whether  there  was  as  much  forbearance  shown  by 
us  with  Louis  Philippe,  on  the  subject  of  the  French  indemnity, 
or  with  England  in  the  Northern   boundary,  and  Oregon  ques 
tion  ?     That  nation  assumes  an  awful  responsibility,  which,  like 
Mexico,  puts  an  end  to  the  peaceable  ways  of  diplomacy,  leav 
ing  no  alternative  but  horrid  war,  or  base  submission.     Mexico 


51 

should  have  paid  her  debt  before  she  put  an  end  to  peaceful 
intercourse,  and  she  could  not  do  it  without  injustice,  while 
there  were  claims  still  depending.  All  arguments  drawn  from 
considerations  of  forbearance,  humanity,  generosity,  expediency, 
are  for  ourselves—Mexico  is  entitled  to  no  part  in  them.  In 
«iy  estimation,  the  great  error  of  Mexico,  if  so  mild  a  term  can 
be  applied,  consists  in  her  having  terminated  all  peaceful  modes 
of  settling  differences ;  for,  as  there  is  no  common  arbiter  be 
tween  independent  nations,  their  differences  in  that  case,  must 
be  settled  by  war,  or  not  at  all. 

I  am  again  sustained,  by  the  opinion  of  Mr.  Webster,  in  re 
spect  of  the  refusal  of  Mexico  to  the  re-establishment  of  diplo 
matic  relations  proposed  by  us  ;  and  again,  in  her  refusal  to 
meet  the  more  recent  overtures  for  negotiation.  The  first  im 
proper  conduct  of  Mexico  has  been  greatly  aggravated  by 
these  acts.  It  has  been  urged,  that  Mexico  was  willing  to  re 
ceive  a  commissioner,  to  treat  in  relation  to  Texas.  It  is  sur 
prising  to  me,  that  any  one  should  not  see  the  folly  of  this  pro 
position.  It  was  only  saying,  "  as  you  have  wronged  us,  in  the 
annexation  of  Texas,  we  will  permit  you  to  offer  us  suitable 
reparation,  and  this  must  precede  all  other  matters  between  us." 
The  ignorance  and  presumption  of  such  an  idea,  is  truly  Mexi 
can.  *If  they  were  sincere  in  their  desire  to  discuss  the  sub 
ject,  what  objection  could  there  be  to  receiving  an  ambassador, 
clothed  with  full  powers  to  settle  all  matters  in  dispute  ? 

*  Mr.  Gallatin  makes  a  strange  mistake,  when  he  says,  that  the  refusal, 
was  to  receiving  a  resident  minister.  The  refusal  was  on  account  of  his  not 
being  a  mere  Commissioner  on  the  single  subject  of  Texas!  What  reason 
able  objection  could  there  be  to  a  resident  minister,  after  a  treaty  of  peace  ? 
And  if  no  such  treaty  were  made,  then  the  minister  clothed  with  those 
powers  would  take  his  departure,  as  a  matter  of  course.  Mr.  Gallatin  speaks 
very  lightly  of  a  suspension  of  diplomatic  intercourse!  I  regard  this,  under 
the  circumstance,  as  most  serious.  But  there  was  more  than  suspension ; 
Mexico  declared  all  negotiations  at  an  end,  and  war  was,  therefore,  the  only 
alternative. 


52 

What  right  had  Mexico  to  require  us  to  admit,  that  anexation 
was  an  aggression  on  her  rights  ?  There  was  no  proposition 
to  discuss  the  question  of  boundary,  as  is  frequently  asserted, 
which  would  be  inconsistent  with  her  pretensions.  But  even 
that  could  be  more  fully  settled  by  one  having  full  authority,  than 
by  a  mere  special  commissioner,  with  limited  powers.  The 
whole  was  but  a  diplomatic  quibble — a  deceitful  evasion.  In 
the  opinion  of  Mr.  Webster,  Mexico  was  wrong  in  putting  an 
end  to  diplomatic  relations  ;  she  was  wrong  in  rejecting  our 
minister  under  a  frivolous  pretext,  and  she  continues  in  the 
wrong  in  rejecting  overtures  of  peace,  after  the  commencement 
of  hostilities.  Here  was  a  direct  advance  on  our  part,  superced- 
ing  the  necessity  of  mediation,  a  measure  only  adopted  to  save 
the  pride  of  either  party,  in  being  theirs*  to  propose  a  peace. 
In  all  this,  Mexico  is  in  the  wrong  ;  and  here  is  the  whole 
question,  as  between  her  and  the  United  States.  The  degree 
of  forbearance  to  be  shown,  is  a  question  for  ourselves  alone. 
The  first  blow  was  struck  by  Mexico,  unless  the  provocation 
of  our  march  to  the  Rio  Grande,  be  considered  the,  first  blow. 
There  is  nothing  left  for  us,  but  to  prosecute  the  war  until 
Mexico  shall  be  willing  to  enter  into  peaceable  negotiation. 
Some  appear  to  think  that  she  would  be  most  likely  to  re-estab 
lish  diplomatic  relations,  by  our  withdrawing  our  fleets  and 
armies.  But  this  would  only  be  an  experiment,  and  might  fail ; 
and  if  it  should  fail,  our  work  would  have  to  begin  again.  This 
was  done  when  Mr.  Slidell  landed  at  Vera  Cruz,  but  without 
success.  Can  we  place  sufficient  confidence  in  Mexico,  even 
after  the  most  positive  and  dictinct  assurances,  and  still  less  with 
out  any  such  assurances  ?  For  my  part,  I  have  no  confidence 
either  in  the  good  faith  of  her  present  rulers,  or  in  the  stability  of 
her  Government.  What,  then,  is  to  be  done  ?  I  see  no  way 
but  to  retain  the  advantages  we  already  possess,  and  to  prose 
cute  the  war  on  her  territory,  as  other  wars,  under  like  circum- 
stances,  would  be  prosecuted  by  other  nations.  What  is  there 


53 

to  prevent  her  from  entering  into  negotiations  at  once?  Pride 
— folly — but  we  were  not  too  proud  to  negotiate  with  England* 
at  the  moment  when  the  war  was  hottest.  At  the  very  moment 
of  signing  the  treaty  of  Ghent,  the  British  Commissioner  sup 
posed,  and  ours  also,  that  the  British  troops  were  in  possession 
of  Louisiana,  and  one  of  them  observed  to  the  American  Com 
missioner.  "  You  have  reason  to  be  satisfied,  for  you  have 
now  regained  New  Orleans."  The  idea  of  falling  back  on  the 
Rio  Grande,  in  the  visionary  hope  of  coaxing  Mexico  to  make 
peace,  and  then  in  case  of  her  refusal,  retaking  Monterey  and 
Tampico,  and  the  valley  of  the  Rio  Grande,  would  be  like  the 
fisherman,  who  after  having  one  good  haul,  throws  back  the  best 
fish  into  the  sea,  for  the  pleasure  of  retaking  them ! 


LETTER  11. 

The  causes  of  the  war. —  The  complaints  on  either  side. 

FEBRUARY,  1847. 

SIR  :     The  tendency  of  public  opinion  throughout  the  civi 
lized   world,  and  especially  in    the  United  States,  against  all 
wars,  may  be  justly  set  down  as  an  evidence  of  the  progress  ol 
civilization.     There  are  many  who  regard  all  wars,  defensive  as 
well  as   offensive,  as  wicked  and  inexcusable.     Others,  justify 
defensive  wars  only,  as  if  it  were  possible  for  one  to  defend  him 
self  by  merely  warding  off  the  blows  of  the  assailant.      Some 
regard  wars  made    for  conquest  merely,  as  unlawful,  and  no 
sound  moralist  can  approve  of  a  war  instigated  by  a  motive  so 
unjust  and  dishonest.     But  when  war  is  once  begun,  it  unavoida 
bly  becomes  offensive,  as  well  as  defensive,  in  order  to  bring  the 
opposite  party  to  terms — it  necessarily  becomes  a  war  of  con 
quest  by  holding  the  enemy's  territory  as  a  lawful  acquisition, 
until  restored  by  treaty  of  peace,  if  restored  at  all.     No  one  ua- 


54 

tion  has  yet  abandoned  the  practice  of  war,  and  I  cannot  well 
understand  how  it  can  do  so,  while  it  is  continued  by  others. 
In  the  present  unregenerated  state  of  the  world,  wars  are  there 
fore  regarded  by  practical  men,  as  sometimes  unavoidable,  and 
even  necessary  and  just.  It  was  the  opinion  of  Washington, 
that  the  best  security  for  peace,  is  in  being  well  prepared  for 
war ;  and  it  may  be  added,  to  impress  other  nations  with  respect 
or  fear  of  our  military  prowess,  lam  convinced,  that  our  last 
threeyears  war  with  Great  Britain,  ensured  us  along  peace,  not 
only  with  that  power,  but  with  others.  I  am  equally  certain, 
that  but  for  our  seven  years  of  revolutionary  war,  we  should 
have  been  neither  a  free  nor  an  independent  nation — our  mag 
nificent  country  would  not  have  been  "  the  land  of  the  free,  and 
the  home  of  the  brave."  If  all  wars  are  "murders  and  robbe 
ries,"  as  some  philanthropists  contend,  there  must  be  a  revolu 
tion  in  our  sentiments  towards  Washington  and  his  brave  com 
panions  in  arms,  who  offered  up  their  lives  for  the  blessings  of 
freedom  and  self-government,  and  of  peace,  which  we  have  en 
joyed. 

But  I  am  free  to  admit,  that  a  civilized  nation  cannot,  without 
just  reproach,  engage  in  a  war  that  is  unjust,  and  that  is  not,  in 
a  certain  sense,  unavoidable*  The  nation  ought  to  go  beyond, 
rather  than  fall  short  of  the  strict  measure  of  justice,  and  she 
ought  to  exhaust  every  means  of  maintaining  peace,  before  re 
sorting  to  the  ultimate  ratio. 

It  is  my  intention  in  this  letter  to  look  into  the  causes  which 
have  led  to  the  war  in  which  we  are  now  engaged  with  Mexico. 
I  must  premise,  that  we  must  take  the  world  as  we  find  it,  and 
we  must  decide  according  to  the  ethicks  and  practice  of  the  most 
civilized  nations,  and  not  according  to  standards  of  morality, 
which,  although  perfect  in  themselves,  are  inapplicable  to  the 
present  imperfect  state  of  mankind.  It  is  again  to  be  observed, 
that  among  nations,  there  is  no  common  judge,  to  whom  they 
are  willing  to  submit  their  differences,  and  to  obey  the  decision. 


55 

Each  is  the  judge  in  its  own  case,  and  if  one  should  be  dis 
posed  to  do  even  more  than  justice,  the  demands  of  the  other 
may  be  out  of  all  reason.  It  is  a  rare  thing  in  modern  times, 
for  two  powerful  civilized  nations  to  be  involved  in  hostilities, 
without  previous  differences,  misunderstandings,  or  mutual  ag 
gressions,  and  without,  also,  previous  unsuccessful  attempts  to 
adjust  their  differences  in  a  peaceful  way.  Let  us  first  consider 
the  complaints  of  Mexico. 

These  consisted,  in  the  first  instance,  in  the  aid  afforded  by 
citizens  of  the  United  States  in  the  struggle  of  Texas  with 
Mexico  for  her  independence.  But  this  did  not  begin  with 
that  struggle,  but  with  the  efforts  of  Mexico  herself  to  throw 
off  the  allegiance  of  Spain,  in  which  she  was  so  materially  aided 
by  the  Americans  of  Texas,  and  who  continued  to  be  invited 
into  that  country  for  the  purpose  of  giving  strength  to  the  Mex 
ican  cause.  Serious  offence  was  given  to  Spain  in  consequence 
of  this  volunteer  aid  of  our  citizens  to  her  revolted  provinces,  but, 
certainly,  there  was  no  complaint  on  the  part  of  those  provin 
ces.  Their  situation  changed  as  soon  as  they  won  their  inde 
pendence,  and  when  Texas  revolted  in  consequence  of  alleged 
oppression,  Mexico  assumed  the  position  before  occupied  by 
Spain,  and  complained  of  the  aid  afforded  by  citizens  of  the 
United  States  to  Texas.  Here  is,  no  doubt,  the  ground  of  the 
ill-feeling  on  the  part  of  Mexico  towards  us.  How  far  we  are 
responsible  for  the  acts  of  our  citizens,  beyond  our  jurisdiction, 
is  a  question  which  opens  a  wide  field  for  discussion,  and  is  one 
which  cannot  be  discussed  in  these  curs6ry  letters.  All  I  shall 
say,  is,  that  Mexico  had  the  same  right  to  complain  that  Spain 
had,  and  no  more  and  even  less,  for  it  was  the  consequence  of  her 
own  act,  in  calling  in  our  countrymen  to  help  her  against  Spain. 
I  avoid  saying  any  thing  here,  as  to  the  merits  of  the  quarrel  be 
tween  Texas  and  Mexico. 

In  the  contest  which  ensued  between  these  belligerants,  Mexi 
co  put  forth  her  whole  strength — she  entered  Texas  with  a 


56 

powerful  army,  commanded  by  her  Chief  Magistrate  in  person^ 
who  was  at  the  same  time  her  most  distinguished  military  leader — 
a  leader,  who  had  put  down  the  constitution  of  1824,  and  con 
centrated  the  whole  power  of  the  State  in  his  own  person,  and 
in  the  person  of  his  own  military  subordinates.     The  invsaion 
was  followed  by  the  signal  defeat  at  San  Jacinto,  by  General 
Houston,  and  a  treaty,  acknowledging  the  independence  of  lex- 
asy  and  recognizing  the  Rio  Grande  as  the  Southern  bounda 
ry.     I  do  not  mean  to  discuss  the  diplomatic  question  involved 
in  this  treaty,  my  object  being  in  this  place,  merely  to  state  facts.* 
Subsequently,  with  the  exception  of  some  inroads    on  either 
side,  the  war  ceased — the  cause  of  Mexico  became  hopeless — 
the  independence  of  Texas  was  not  only  recognized  by  us,  but 
also  by  other  neutral  nations.       Her  inability    to    re-conquer 
Texas,  was  confessed  by  Mexico  herself;  she  was  even  willing  to 
acknowledge  her  independence  on  the  condition  that  Texas  would 
not  unite  herself  to  the  United  Statesa — condition  which  no  na 
tion  in  our  place   would  fail  to  regard  as  offensive.      Next  fol 
lows  the  act  on  our  part  in  which  was  merged  all  other  offences-, 
and  was.  before-hand,  declared  by  Mexico,  not  only  as  a  cause  of 
war,  but   equivalent  to  a  declaration  of  war — the  annexation  of 
Texas  with  its  consent.    The  act  has  been  generally  condemn" 
ed  by  the  whig  press,  and  yet,  it  is  sustained  by  very  high  au 
thority  :  Mr,  Webster,  as  Secretary  of  State,  holds  this  language  \ 
"  Mexico  may  have  chosen  to  consider  Texas  as   having  been 
at  all  times  since  1835,  and  still  continuing,  a  rebellious  pro 
vince,  but  the  world  has  been  obliged  to  take  a  different  view  of 
the  matter.     From  the  time  of  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto  to  the 
present  moment,  Texas  has  continued^  to  exhibit  the  same  in 
ternal  signs  of  national  independence  as  Mexico    herself,  and 
with  quite   as  much  stability  of  government."     Again  he  re 
peats,  "  since  1 637,  the  United  States  have  regarded  Texas  as 

*The  able  speech  of  Mr.   Kauffman  in  Congress  on  this  subject  is  not 
eaaily  refuted.     As  a  jurist,  I  do  not  hesitate  to  pronounce  the  treaty  valid. 


57 

an  independent  sovereignty  as  much  as  Mexico. "  He  says  fur 
ther,  "the  constitution,  public  treaties,  and  laws,  oblige  the 
President  to  regard  Texas  as  an  independent  State,  and  its  ter 
ritory  no  part  of  the  territory  oj  Mexico."  In  a  late  pub 
lic  speech  at  Springfield,  Mr.  Webster  uses  the  following  lan 
guage,  "I  do  not  admit  that  it  was  a  just  ground  of  complaint 
on  the  part  of  Mexico,  that  the  United  States  annexed  Texas 
to  themselves."  From  my  own  unassisted  reasoning,  I  had  ar 
rived  at  the  same  conclusion  with  Mr.  Webster.  The  ground 
taken  by  the  great  statesman  against  the  war,  was  not  on  ac 
count  of  the  annexation  of  Texas,  but  of  the  march  of  Gen. 
Taylor,  by  the  order,  or  sanction  of  Mr.  Polk,  whose  practical 
result  was  inevitable,  hostilities,  which  ought  not  to  have  been 
brought  on  without  the  express  sanction  of  Congress,  and  while 
there  was  still  a  possibility  of  negotiating.  The  first,  is  a  question 
between  Mr.  Polk  and  his  country,  with  which  Mexico  has  noth- 
to  do ;  the  other,  is  a  mere  question  of  probability,  depending  on 
the  willingness  on  our  side  to  negotiate,  and  the  willingness,  or  the 
contrary,  on  the  part  of  Mexico,  to  meet  us.  I  will  add,  that 
ihe  taking  of  California  and  New  Mexico,  are  acts  arising  out  of 
the  war,  aud  not  causes  leading  to  it. 

Let  us  now  consider  the  provocations  and  complaints  on  our 
side  ;  these  commenced  before  any  of  the  alleged  grievances 
on  the  part  of  Mexico.  They  may  be  placed  under  two  heads  ; 
first,  the  refusal  to  pay  American  citizens  the  debts  contracted 
by  their  government  for  the  means  of  carrying  on  their  war  of 
independence  ;  and  secondly,  for  outrages  committed  on  the  per 
sons  of  our  people  while  in  the  pursuit  of  their  lawful  business, 
and  for  the  illegal  seizure  and  confiscation  of  their  property. 
The  second  head  covers  much  the  largest  amount  of  injuries 
complained  of:  they  consist  of  seizure  of  vessels  in  port  on 
false  or  frivolous  pretexts;  of  goods  and  merchandise  for  pub 
lic  use  ;  of  forced  loans  and  civil  injuries  to  persons,  and  wan 
ton  confinement  to  loathsome  prisons,  where  many  perished  or 
8 


58 

lost  their  health.  There  were  beside,  anomalous  cases,  *some  of 
them  involving  immense  losses,  breaking  up  mercantile  estab 
lishments,  producing  ruin,  and  irreparable  injury. 

We  find  as  early  as  the  first  term  of  Gen.  Jackson,  the  most 
ruinous  complaints  on  the  part  of  our   fellow-citizens   of  the 
wrongs  inflicted  on  them  by  Mexico.     They  are  such,  says  he, 
"  as  cannot  be  tolerated  by  any  government  endued  with  a  just 
self-respect,  with  a  proper  regard  for  the  opinions  of  other  na 
tions,  or  with  enlightened  concern  for  the  permanent  welfare  of 
those  portions  of  its  people  who  may  be  interested  in  foreign 
commerce."     After  enumerating  the  various  classes  of  outra 
ges,  he  adds,  "citizens  of  the  United  States  have  been  imprison 
ed  for  long  periods  of  time,  without  being  informed  of  the  offen 
ces  with  which  they  were  charged.     Others  have  been  mur 
dered  and  robbed  on  the  high  seas  by  Mexican  officers,  without 
any  attempt  to  bring  the  guilty  to  justice.  "     In  a  subsequent 
message  to  Congress,  he  declares,  "that  such  conduct  would  jus- 
tify  immediate  war,  in  the  eyes  oj  all  nations.  "     The  same 
language  was  repeated  by  the  subsequent  administration,  in  still 
stronger  terms.     All  this  was  previous  to  the  alleged  wrongs  on 
our  part,  in  respect  to  Texas,  and  the  only  excuse  was  the  rev 
olutionary  state,    and  the  consequent  disorders   under   which 
Mexico  was  then  a  sufferer ;  and  this  plea,  untenable  as  it  is, 
was  respected  to  such  a  degree,  as  to  amount  to  a  denial  of  jus 
tice  to  our  own  citizens.     The  American  sufferings  were  aggrava- 

»Such  as  that  of  Aaron  Ligett,  who  introduced  steamboats  on  the  Tobas- 
co  river,  according  to  a  contract  with  the  government ;  his  boats  were 
seized  for  public  use,  his  merchandize  confiscated,  and  business  and  credit  de 
stroyed.  There  is  the  case  of  Dr.  Baldwin,  who  was  induced  to  establish 
saw  mills,  which  were  seized  when  they  became  profitable,  and  the  lands  pur 
chased  by  him  confiscated.  There  is  the  case  of  the  empressario  contracts 
in  Texas,  where  lands  were  granted  by  Mexico,  on  condition  of  colonizing, 
and  when  the  company  brought  out  colonies  at  great  expense,  they  were  for 
cibly  prevented  from  taking  possession — colonists  driven  off  or  imprisoned, 
and  the  goods  and  effects  of  the  company  seized. 


59 

Ced  by  seeing  the  prompt  and  decisive  measures  of  the  French 
to  redress  similar  outrages,  when  Admiral  Baudin  blew  up  the 
castle  of  San  Juan  de  Ulloa,  and  compelled  the  Mexican  gov 
ernment  to  pay  a  million  of  dollars  on  the  deck  of  his  vessel. 
How  is  it  possible,  after  these  facts,  to  say,  that  our  complaints 
against  Mexico  were  fictitious  or  exaggerated  ?  Under  the 
commission  extorted  from  her,  without  which,  an  open  rupture 
must  have  followed,  after  ascertaining  three  millions  of  just 
claims,  an  amount  much  larger  was  left  unadjusted,  in  conse 
quence  of  the  expiration  of  the  time  limited  for  the  duration  of 
the  commission,  and  even  that  time  shortened  one  half  by  the 
delays  of  the  Mexican  commissioners.  Instead  of  exacting  pay 
ment  at  once,  of  the  debt  thus  ascertained  and  admitted  to  be 
due,  we  showed  her  every  indulgence,  by  consulting  her  conve 
nience  as  to  the  time  and  mode  of  payment.  That  debt  still 
remains  unpaid,  and  the  remaining  claim  unadjusted.  Now,  I 
would  ask,  whether,  under  the  circumstances,  she  was  not  bound 
to  keep  open  diplomatic  relations  for  the  purpose  of  providing 
payment  for  the  amount  due,  and  for  a  proper  adjudication  of 
the  remainder  ?  She  has  thought  proper  to  take  offence  at  the 
annexation  of  Texas,  and  to  put  an  end  to  diplomatic  relations, 
and  of  course,  of  peacefnl  negotiation  on  that,  as  well  as  on 
other  subjects.  The  act  of  recalling  a  minister,  and  sending 
passports  to  the  foreign  plenipotentiary,  according  to  the  mod 
ern  law  of  nations,  is  equivalent  to  an  express  declaration  of 
war,  and  hostilities  might  be  expected  to  follow  as  a  matter  of 
course.*  It  looks  very  much  -as  if  the  annexation  was  merely 

*See  Kent's  Commentaries. — "Since  the  time  of  Binkershock,  it  has  been 
«ettled  by  the  practice  of  Europe,  that  war  may  lawfully  exist  by  a  decla 
ration  which  is  unilateral  only,  or  without  any  declaration  on  either  side. " 

In  the  war  between  England  and  France  in  1778,  the  first  public  act  on 
the  part  of  the  English  government,  was  recalling  its  minister,  and  that  sin 
gle  act  was  considered  by  France  as  the  breach  of  the  peace  between  the 
two  countries.  There  was  no  other  declaration  of  war,  though  each  gov 
ernment  afterwards  published  a  manifesto  in  vindication  of  its  claim  and 


60 

laid  hold  of  as  a  pretext  to  avoid  paying  her  debts,  and  making 
compensatian  for  the  wrongs  she  had  perpetrated  on  our  citizens. 
The  closing  of  diplomatic  relations  was  itself  a  great  outrage, 
considering  the  relation  in  which  she  stood  towards  us.  There 
was,  certainly,  no  obligation  on  our  part  to  take  any  step  towards 
a  renewal  of  those  relations  —we  might  have  proceeded  accord 
ing  to  the  usages  of  nations  to  take  the  law  in  our  own  hands, 
and  compel  her  to  give,  what  we  might  consider,  a  just  indemni 
ty.  But  unlike  other  nations,  we  pursued  a  humane  and  moder 
ate  course;  we  attempted  again  and  again,  to  negotiate,  but 
without  success  ;  and  perhaps,  at  the  expense  of  national  dig 
nity  And  even  after  the  commencement  of  hostilities,  after  eve 
ry  success  obtained  by  our  army,  the  olive  branch  was  held  forth, 
and  as  often  rejected. 

It  has  been  said,  that  the  annexation  of  Texas  by  us  was 
virtual  war,  that  is,  equivalent  to  an  express  declaration.  If 
so,  it  was  in  consequence  of  the  declaration  of  Mexico, 
that  she  would  so  consider  it,  but  not  as  in  its  very  nature 
precluding  negotiation.  On  the  contrary,  the  administration  has 
been  blamed  for  not  negotiating,  and  that  too,  whether  Mexico 
would  or  not.  No — the  act  of  war,  was  in  closing  the  door  to 
peaceful  settlement,  by  means  of  plenipotentiaries,  authorized 
to  adjust  not  a  single  isolated  question,  but  all  matters  in  dispute. 

A  minister,  clothed  with  full  powers,  was  sent  by  us  to  Mexi- 

conduct.  The  same  things  may  be  said  of  the  war  which  broke  out  in  1793, 
and  again  in  1803. 

The  act  of  withdrawing  a  minister,  is  one  of  a  most  decisive  character, 
for  actual  hostilities  may  exist  without  a  state  of  war,  as  in  the  war  of  1756 
between  France  and  England,  and  between  us  and  France  in  1798.  The 
act  of  taking  the  fort  of  Mobile  under  Mr.  Madison's  administration  in  ^ 
1812,  was  an  act  of  hostility,  and  yet  our  diplomatic  relations  still  continued — 
it  was  made  the  subject  of  complaint  by  Spain,  and  defended  or  excused  by 
our  government.  If  diplomatic  relations  had  been  discontinued,  there  would 
have  been  no  redress  for  Spain,  but  in  returning  the  blow.  Hence,  I  con 
tend,  that  the  party  which  closes  these  relations,  and  prevents  the  peaceful 
adjustment  of  injuries,  is  responsible  for  all  the  consequences. 


61 

co  after  the  hasty  and  inconsiderate  step  taken  by^her,  a  piece 
of  condescention,  which  can  only  be  ascribed  to  an  extreme  de 
sire  on  our  part  to  preserve  peace.  Our  plenipotentiary  was 
not  received,  and  for  what  reason  ?  Was  it  because  be  was  not 
accredited,  or  not  clothed  with  sufficient  power  to  adjust  all  ex 
isting  differences,  the  onfy  grounds  which  could  be  fairly  assign 
ed  ?  No — the  objection  was,  that  these  powers  were  too  full, 
instead  of  being  confined  to  one  topic,  the  annexationof  Texas. 
He  was  told,  that  a  commissioner  with  powers  to  settle  that  sin 
gle  question,  would  be  received,  but  without  power  to  discuss 
any  other,  and  consequently,  without  power  to  discuss  even 
that,  which  was  necessarily  complicated  with  others.  The 
representative,  of  course,  could  not  divest  himself  of  his  powers — 
he  went  not  only  to  do  justice  to  Mexico,  but  demand  justice  of 
her.  But,  this  is  but  a  very  imperfect  view  of  the  case.  The 
willingness  to  receive  a  commissioner,  went  on  the  assumption, 
that  we  were  in  the  wrong  in  the  question  of  annexation, 
notwithstanding  the  ground  taken  by  Mr.  Webster,  as  Secre 
tary  of  State,  in  his  letter  to  Bocanega.  Let  us  look  at  the 
letter  of  Penay  Pena,  of  the  15th  October,  1845: 

"In  answer,!  have  to  say  to  you, that  although  the  Mexican 
nation  is  deeply  injured  by  the  United  States,  through  the  acts 
committed  by  them  in  the  department  of  Texas,  which  belongs 
to  this  nation,  my  government  is  disposed  to  receive  the  com 
missioner  to  settle  the  present  dispute,  in  a  peaceful,  reasonable, 
and  honorable  manner,  thus  giving  a  new  proof,  that  even  in  the 
midst  of  its  injuries,  and  of  its  firm  decision  to  exact  adequate 
reparation  for  them,  it  does  not  repel  with  contumely,  the  mea 
sure  of  reason  and  peace  to  which  it  is  uninvited  by  its  adversa- 
ry.» 

It  seemst  hen,  that  Mexico  does  not  repel  with  contumely, the 
commissioners  sent  to  make  ample  reparation  for  the  wrong 
done  her  in  the  department  of  Texas  !  The  wrong  done,  is  to 
be  taken  for  granted,  not  to  be  discussed  ;  the  measure  oj  repa- 


62 

ration  only,  is  to  be  debated.  It  is  impossible  to  conceive  of 
any  thing  more  humiliating  and  insulting,  whether  it  proceed 
from  design  or  stupidity.  A  high  minded  nation  could  not  brook 
such  arrogance  for  a  moment,  and  this  from  a  power  which  ad 
mitted  herself  to  be  our  debtor  to  the  amount  of  millions  which 
she  is  unable  to  pay  !  It  would  have  been  much  more  in  place, 
for  our  minister  to  say,  that  the  payment  of  that  debt  ought  to 
precede  any  demand  for  reparation,  on  account  of  the  alleged 
injury  from  annexation  of  Texas.  I  verily  believe,  that  Mexi 
co  is  the  only  power  in  the  world  to  whom  we  should  permit 
such  language.  At  her  instance,  we  had  previously  withdrawn 
our  squadron  from  hercoast ;  and  now,  forsooth,  she  condescends 
to  permit  us  to  ask  her  forgiveness,  and  make  ample  reparation 
for  what  she  pleases  to  consider  the  injuries  done  her  in  her  de 
partment  of  Texas.* 


LETTER  12. 

Struggle   between  Santa  Anna  and  General    Taylor. — The 

turning  point  of  the  War. 

MARCH,  1847. 

The  accounts  from  the  seat  of  war  in  the  States  of  the  Rio 
Grande,  are  becoming  every  day  more  serious ;  perhaps,  I 
should  say,  alarming.  It  is  now  placed  beyond  all  doubt,  that 
Santa  Anna,  instead  of  throwing  himself  between  the  city  of 
Mexico  and  the  expected  march  of  General  Scott,  has  sudden 
ly  advanced  on  General  Taylor  at  Saltillo.  We  now  see  the 

*  The  battles  afterwards  fought,  appear  to  have  enlarged  the  vision  of 
our  enemy.  No  objections  in  the  subsequent  attempts  at  negotia  tion  with  Mr 
Trist,  were  alleged  against  his  too  ample  powers.  She  was  willing  to  yield 
California  for  a  consideration,  and  Texas,  with  the  boundary  of  the  Nue- 
sees,  then  mentioned  for  the  first  time  ;  and  provided,  slavery  was  not  intro 
duced  in  the  ceded  territories,  and  provided,  also,  that  religious  toleration 
were  seenred  !  No  one,  after  this,  will  deuy,  that  the  war  has  been  produc 
tive  of  something  to  compensate  for  its  horrors. 


63 

effect  of  weakening  the  army  of  the  Rio  Grande,  under  the 
supposition,  that    the  Mexican   Commander  could  make  no 
other  military  movement  than  that    of  covering  the  national 
capital.     The  American  General,  by  extraordinary   exertion, 
has  collected  all   his  disposable  force  at  the  point  where  he 
can  most  advantageously  arrest  the  march  of  Santa  Anna;  but 
his  division  does  not  exceed  five  thousand  men,  n6t  more  than 
half  of  them  regulars,  while  the  Mexican  army  is  not  short  of 
twenty   thousand,  and  by   far  the  most   formidable  ever   yet 
embodied  in  that  country.     We  have  every  confidence  in  Gen 
eral  Taylor  and  his  gallant  officers    and  soldiers;  he  is  one  of 
those,  whose  resources  of  mind   have  always  been  brought  out 
by  emergencies,  and  always  found  equal  to  them  ;  but  it  must 
be  confessed,  the  odds,  at  present,  are  fearfully  against  him. 

It  is  said,  that  General  Taylor  has  received  orders  (perhaps 
discretionary)  both  from  the  war  department,  and  the  comman 
der  in  chief,  to  retreat  to  Monterey.  This,  I  am  confident,  he 
will  never  do.  He  must  meet  Santa  Anna  on  the  edge  of  the 
desert  of  three  hundred  miles,  which  he  is  compelled  to  cross, 
and  he  will  make  his  stand  at  the  admirably  chosen  battle 
field  of  Buena  Vista,  which,  according  to  the  description  of 
Captain  Hughes,  is  a  defile  just  suited  for  an  army  like  that  of 
General  Taylor  [to  defend,  and  to  withstand  the  shock  of  an 
attacking  force,  four  times  its  numbers.  Here  is  exactly  one 
of  those  cases,  where  every  thing  must  be  put  to  c<  the  hazzard 
of  the  dye,"  or  every  thing  must  be  lost. 

Let  us  for  a  moment  consider  the  consequences  of  the  retreat 
of  General  Taylor  to  Monterey  or  of  his  defeat  at  Buena  Vista. 
Santa  Anna  once  at  Saltillo,  will  find  every  thing  necessary  to 
refresh  his  troops,  after  the  sufferings  and  fatigues  of  their 
march.  The  retreat  of  the  American  General  will  be  regard 
ed  as  a  victory  for  Santa  Anna>and  it  will  cause  the  rancheros 
of  New  Leon,  Coawilla,  and  Tamaulipas,  to  rise  en  mass 
General  Urrea,  it  is  said,  is  at  the  head  of  ten  thousand  men 


64 

near  Victoria,  so  that  our  army  will  be  shutjup  in  Monterey, 
and  all  communications  cut  off  with  the  Rio  Grande.  It  is 
true,  a  portion  of  General  Taylor's  force  may  be  detached  to 
defend  some  narrow  pass  between  Monterey  and  Saltillo,  and 
attempt  to  oppose  the  advance  of  Santa  Anna.  But  may  not 
Monterey  be  turned  by  Urrea,  and  thus  place  himself  in  the 
rear  of  that  detachment,  while  a  portion  of  the  Mexican  army 
shall  advance  in  front  ?  Although  Santa  Anna  may  not  be 
able  to  transport  his  artillery,  is  it  impossible  for  him  to  enter 
the  valley  of  the  Rio  Grande  with  his  infantry  and  cavalry,  by 
some  circuitous  way  ?  I  set  up  no  pretensions  to  being  a  mili 
tary  critic ;  my  suggestions  are  merely  thrown  out  for  what 
they  are  worth,  and  they  may  be  worth  nothing.  But  I  can  con 
ceive  it  possible,  for  Santa  Anna,  with  his  whole  army,  to  enter 
New  Leon  and  Tamaulipas,  and  the  necessary  consequence 
must  be,  that  all  our  military  stores  at  Comargo  and  Matarnoras, 
must  fall  into  his  hands.  He  will  sweep  the  whole  valley  of  the 
Rio  Grande,  and  in  all  probability,  will  not  stop  there,  but 
cross  into  Texas,  now  almost  defenceless,  there  being  no  force- 
at  any  point  capable  of  opposing  his  progress.  Admit  that 
these  are  bare  possibilities,  these  may  become  probabilities,  and 
probabilities,  may  become  realities. 

The  supposed  retreat,  or  defeat  of  our  arrny,  will  change 
the  whole  face  of  the  war.  Should  either  of  these  events  take 
place,  (and  such  is  my  confidence  in  General  Taylor,  that  I 
firmly  believe  they  will  not)  then  the  descent  on  Vera  Cruzf 
and  the  march  to  Mexico,  under  the  commander  in  chief, 
will  have  to  be  abandoned,  and  a  retrogade  movement  under 
taken  to  the  Rio  Grande,  which  cannot  be  effected  without 
great  difficulty  and  delay. 

Very  serious  charges  have  been  made  againsf  the  adminis 
tration  for  aiding  the  return  of  Santa  Anna  to  Mexico.  I  look 
upon  this  as  an  error  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Polk,  and  as  a  proof 
of  his  extreme  desire  for  the  restoration  of  peace.  The  favor 


65 

i        •          .  /  • 

"  '    kif ' 

shown  to  the  Mexican  President,  it  was  thought,  would  be  fol 
lowed  by  treaty  ;  but  the  suspicious  position  in  which  he  would 
be  placed  before  his  own  countrymen,  would  compel  him  to 
prosecute  the  war  with  extraordinary  .vigor.  It  would  only  be, 
after  a  series  of  glorious  victories,  and  the  expulsion  of  the 
invaders  by  force  of  arms,  that  he  could  venture  to  talk  of  peace. 
Our  whole  country  waits  with  breathless  auxiety,  the  issue 
of  the  conflict  between  General  Taylor  and  Santa  Anna.  It  is 
the  turning  point  of  this  war — if  our  arms  prove  successful, 
there  will  be  every  thing  to  tiopfe,  and  peace  will  have  been 
conquered ;  but  if  we  fail,  the  prospect  before  us  will  be  dark 
and  gloomy  indeed.* 


LETTER  13. 
The  battle  of  Buena  Vista,  and  its  results. 

APRIL,  1847. 

SIR  :  We  have  at  length  authentic  accounts  of  the  great 
battle  fought  at  Buena  Vista  ;  it  is  certainly  one  of  the  most 
extraordinary  on  record,  and  its  consequences  are  even  more 
important  than  the  event  itself.  These  are  of  such  magnitude, 
that  Santa  Anna  never  would  have  made  his  daring  movement 
if  he  had  not  been  certain  of  success.  Who  could  have  sup 
posed  that  twenty  thousand  men,  under  a  high  state  of  discip 
line,  and  perfectly  provided  with  every  thing  necessary  to  con- 
stitute  an  army,  cavalry,  artillery,  and  infantry,  should  be  totally 
defeated  by  two  thousand  five  hundred  regulars,  and  an  equal 
number  of  volunteers  ?  Such  an  idea  certainly  never  entered 
the  mind  of  any  Mexican,  at  least.  It  appears  that  his  artny 
is  entirely  disorganized,  and  it  is  doubtful,  whether  he  will 
ever  be  able  to  reach  San  Louis  with  the  fourth  of  those  who 

*  This  letter  was   not  published  in  the  series — after  being  transcribed  for 
publication,  the  copy  was  thrown  into  the  fire,  as  presenting  too  discourag 
ing  a  picture. 
9 


66 

marched  from  that  place.  But  the  moral  influence  throughout 
Mexico  must  be  incalculable — the  Mexicans  may  now  say  as- 
the  subjects  of  Montezuma  said  of  the  Spaniards  :  "  the  god& 
of  the  strangers  are  stronger  than  our  gods/' 

The  reliance  of  the  Mexicans  for  the  defence  of  the  Capital 
is  destroyed  and  gone.  Had  Santa  Anna  been  successful 
against  Taylor,  no  other  defence  of  the  Capital  would  have 
been  necessary  ;  the  descent  on  Vera  Cruz  would  have  been 
at  once  abandoned,  and  our  troops  recalled  for  the  purpose  of 
covering  our  own  frontier.  Jnstead  of  being  broken  and  dis 
pirited,  the  Mexicans  every  where,  would  have  risen  up  in  arms, 
and,  perhaps,  would  for  the  first  time,  have  exhibited  a  national 
spirit — the  contrary  of  this  effect  has  been  produced.  It  will 
require  a  prodigious  effort,  and  much  time,  to  organize  another 
army  ;  and  the  greater  part  will  be  new  conscripts,  if  they  can 
be  dignified  even  with  that  name,  where  there  is  no  voluntary 
enlistment,  or  fair  and  regular  draft,  butwhere  thefpoor  peasant 
is  seized  by  force,  and  driven,  tied  with  ropes,  to  the  places  of 
rendezvous,  like  a  brute  beast,  to  be  beaten,  and  broken  into 
the  trade  of  war.  And  now  from  Tampico  to  Saltillo,  from 
the  Sierra  Madre  to  the  Sabine,  the  war  is  over — all  that  is 
necessary  is  to  consolidate  the  conquest  of  the  beautiful  coun 
try  west  of  the  Rio  Grande. 

I  can  readily  conceive  the  effect  of  this  uninterupted  series 
of  successful  military  events,  and  extraordinary  battles,  both  on 
the  Mexican  and  the  European  mind.  The  slumbering  mili 
tary  might  existing  in  our  republic,  ready  to  be  called  forth 
by  events,  must  strike  Europeans  with  amazement ;  and  its 
secret  lies  in  the  freedom  of  our  institutions,  the  same  which 
gave  to  Greece  and  Rome  their  pre-eminence.  One  trait  has 
been  exhibited,  in  even  a  higher  degree,  than  in  Greece — the 
emulation  or  rivalry  of  States  ;  and  even  of  a  higher  kind  than 
that  which  was  displayed  at  Plateaand  Marathon;  Kentucky  has 
vied  with  South  Carolina,  and  Massachusetts  with  Mississippi — 


67 

*>    ttiW'-  -^* 

SIAY    THE    CHERISHED     REMEMBRANCE,    LONG  SERVE    TO    BIND 

THEM    TOGETHER  IN  FRATERNAL  AFFECTION  !       The    battles    of 

Palo  Alto  and  Resaca,  were  decisive  as  to  the  superiority  of 
our  arms,  especially  of  our  artillery,  and  of  the  inferiority  of  the 
enemy  in  cavalry,  whose  efficiency  was  so  much  overrated.  At 
Monterey,  with  every  advantage  of  numbers,  walls,  and  for 
tresses,  they  were  literally  crushed;  and  then,  to  crown  all,  at 
Buena  Vista,  in  spite  of  the  immense  disparity,  and  the  enemy 
attacking,  their  army  was  annihilated  in  the  open  field.  Can 
it  be  possible  that  Mexico  will  not  now  sue  for  peace,  and  ac 
cept  any  terms  we  may  choose  to  dictate  ?  I  have  no  doubt 
we  shall  soon  hear  of  General  Scott  making  good  his  landing 
at  Vera  Cruz,  and  taking  the  Castle  of  San  Juan.  We  shall 
dien  hear  of  Mexican  plenipotentiaries  advancing  towards  hirn 
with  the  olive  branch,  before  he  takes  up  his  line  of  march  for 
the  capital  of  the  Astecs.  Surely  they  will  not  invite  him,  "  to 
revel  in  the  halls  of  the  Montezumas." 

It  must  be  admitted,  that  Santa  Anna,  however  detestable 
his  character,  has  displayed  great  military  talent.  He  led  his 
troops  to  battle  under  circumstances,  he  was  well  aware,  would 
cause  them  to  fight  with  desperation.  They  were  not  only 
filled  with  confidence  from  their  immense  superiority  of  numbers, 
but  rendered  desperate  by  hunger  and  the  hope  of  booty,  which 
tie  had  promised  them,  and  which  supplied  the  want  of  higher 
motives  of  action,  such  as  inspired  the  superior  race  with  which 
they  had  to  contend.  In  the  words  of  Byron  : 

«'Th' Assyrian  came  down  like  a  wolf  on  the  plain," 

but  the  shepherd  was  prepared  to  receive  him,  and  drive  him  back 
howling  to  the  desert.  The  sudden  retreat  of  General  Taylor 
from  his  advanced  position  to  his  chosen  battleground,  no  doubt 
unexpected,  must  have  had  the  effect  ol  disconcerting  the  enemy. 
By  thus  meeting  him  at  the  edge  of  the  desert,  he  availed  him 
self,  like  a  skilful  commander,  of  all  the  advantages  of  circum- 


«      •  68 

stances.  What  events  the  war  may  bring  forth,  if  it  should 
continue,  it  is  impossible  to  ibretel,  but  it  is  certain,  that  the 
series  of  victories  which  have  been  thus  far  achieved  by  him, 
have  not  been  surpassed  in  our  military  history,  while  that  of 
•  Buena  Vista,  stands  unequalled. 

LETTER  14. 

Shall  we  organize  Territorial  Governments  in  the  conquered 
Territories. 

MARCH,  1847. 

Both  political  parties  seem  to  take  it  for  granted,  that  anexa- 
tion  must  immediately  follow  the  conquest  of  the  whole  or  any 
portion  of  Mexico,  by  which  is  meant,  the  formation  of  new 
States  to  be  added  to  the  confederacy.  But  this  is  by  no 
means  a  necessary  consequence.  Louisiana  was  not  brought 
within  the  pale  of  the  Constitution  for  eight  years ;  Mis 
souri  for  a  longer  time,  and  Florida  for  sixteen.  They  were 
placed  under  a  first,  and  then  a  second  grade  of  territorial 
government,  over  which  the  Constitution  was  not  extended ; 
rather  their  Courts,  executive,  judicial,  or  legislative  branches, 
were  not  constitutional  authorities,  but  depending  on  Congress  for 
their  being  and  power.  It  has  been  argued,  that  the  acqui 
sition  of  territory,  either  by  purchase  or  conquest,  (to  which 
the  same  reason  applies,)  is  not  constitutional ;  and  of  this 
opinion,  were  Mr.  Jefferson,  John  Quincy  Adams,  and  1  think 
I  may  add,  Mr.  Madison.  But  public  opinion,  and  public 
necessity,  have  overruled  them,  not  by  fair  reasoning,  but  by 
"jumping  to  the  conclusion." 

Under  the  territorial  government,  the  territory  has  no  vote 
in  Congress,  and  no  representation  in  the  Senate,  although  al 
lowed  a  delegate  on  the  floor  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 
with  the  liberty  of  speech,  but  without  the  right  to  vote.  The 
territories  of  Louisiana,  Missouri,  and  Florida,  had  their  own 
legislatures,  retained  their  own  laws,  and  enacted  new  ones,  but 


69 

in  this  case,  subject  to  the  repealing  power  of  Congress.  They 
had  also  their  own  judiciary,  with  the  exception  of  the  Judges 
of  the  Superior  Court,  who,  together  with  the  Executive,  were 
appointed  under  the  organic  law  by  the  President  of  the 
United  States  ;  that  organic  law,  emanating  from  Congress,  and 
which  was  -for  the  territories,  what  State  and  United  States 
constitutions,  were  for  the  States,  might  have  given  the  power 
to  the  territories  to  elect  their  Governors  and  Judges,  as  well 
as  their  Legislators.  This  was  in  the  pleasure  of  Congress, 
which  had  acquired  the  rights  of  the  former  sovereign,  and  might 
exercise  it  under  the  limitations  of  the  Constitution,  not  because  it 
was  extended  to  the  acquired  territories,  but  as  a  restraint  onCon- 
gressin  its  own  sphere  of  action  ;  and  whatever  Congress  was  ex 
pressly  forbidden  to  do  generally,  it  was  forbidden  to  do  in  any 
case,  unless  the  exception  was  express.  The  organic  law  or 
territorial  constitution,  extended  the  great  prerogative  writs  of 
habeas  corpus,  mandamus,  and  quo  warranto,  for  the  bene 
fit  and  safe  guard  of  persons,  property,  and  religion  of  every 
citizen.  The  Government  of  each  territory,  as  to  all  local  sub 
jects  of  legislation,  was  as  completely  at  their  own  hands,  as 
any  of  the  States.  Bnt  has  not  Congress  power  of  regulation 
over  local  subjects  ?  I  do  not  find  it  in  the  Constitution,  except 
ing  over  its  real  or  moveable  property.  The  District  of  Columbia 
stands  on  an  anomalous  principle  ;  and  besides,  in  respect  to  that 
district,  Congress  acts  in  two  distinct  capacities :  first,  in  its  gene 
ral  character  of  a  legislature  for  the  whole  Union  ;  and  secondly, 
as  a  local  legislature  for  the  district ;  and  in  this  respect,  the 
other  States,  have  no  more  right  to  interfere,  than  they  have  a 
right  to  interfere  with  each  other,  its  local  legislation,  must 
be  directed  by  its  local  wants,  with  which  the  people  of  Massa 
chusetts  or  New  York,  have  no  concern. 

The  only  acts  of  Congress  extended  to  the  territories  are 
always  expressly  named,  and  they  are  those  relating  to  the 
revenue,  the  slave  trade,  those  regulating  commerce  and  the 


70 

public  lands  ;  while  the  great  body  of  the  acts  of  Congress, 
have  application  only  to  the  members  of  the  confederacy.  The 
general  Government,  in  virtue?  of  its  sovereignty,  had  the  con 
trol  over  all  foreign  intercourse,  and  undertook  the  military 
defence  and  protection.  Having  lived  under  these  protective 
Governments,  I  must  candidly  confess,  that  they  possess  many 
advantages.  They  are  entirely  unlike  the  condition  of  colonies 
and  conquered  provinces,  subject  to  onerous  exactions,  or  restric 
tions.  Their  burthens  were  even  lighter  than  those  of  the  citizens 
of  the  States,  in  consequence  of  not  being  represented  in  Con 
gress,  as  it  would  be  against  a  fundamental  principle  to  bind 
them  by  laws,  which  they  had  no  share  in  enacting.  Many  of 
the  territorial  inhabitants  regret  the  change  from  the  quiet  of 
their  territorial  Government,  to  the  turbulence  and  expense  of 
the  State  constitution.  They  preferred  this  state  of  things  to 
the  ambition  of  being  able  to  disturb  the  balance  of  power 
among  the  States,  by  a  voice  in  the  Senate,  or  even  in  the 
House  of  Representatives.  But  the  admission  into  the  Union 
(or  admission  as  States,)  "as  soon  as  consistent  with  the  prin 
ciples  of  the  Constitution,"  was  an  express  stipulation,  under 
the  treaties  which  ceded  those  territories  ;  and  in  the  case  of 
Texas,  immediate  annexation  as  a  State,  was  the  principal  con 
sideration  of  the  compact.  Where  there  is  no  such  stipulation, 
as  in  the  case  of  countries  acquired  by  conquest,  like  those  of  the 
Rio  Grande,  the  acquisition  is  unconditional,  and  the  territorial 
state  may  be  continued  indefinitely,  or  the  admission  of  the 
whole  or  part,  be  determined  at  our  pleasure.  According  to 
the  laws  of  nations,  their  local  laws  remain  in  force  ;  and  ac 
cording  to  our  Constitution,  Congress  has  no  power  to  legislate 
in  local  matters  for  them,  although  it  may  create  a  local  legis 
lature  for  that  purpose  ;  for,  in  my  opinion,  it  cannot  constitute 
itself  a  local  legislature  for  the  purpose,  as  in  the  anomalous 
case  of  the  District  of  Columbia. 

The  Supreme  Court  is  often  regarded  as  the  sole  arbiter  in 


71 

all  constitutional  questions.  This  is  to  be  understood  with 
some  comitations.  For  instance,  it  would  not  consider  itself  at 
liberty  to  decide  the  question,  whether  the  acquisition  of  for 
eign  territory  is  constitutional  or  not ;  the  other  branches  of 
the  Government,  the  Legislation,  the  treaty  making  power, 
the  Executive,  having  determined  the  high  political  question 
involved,  the  Supreme  Court  conforms  to  that  decision.  It, 
therefore,  moves  in  a  groove,  and  is  not  Supreme  over  all. 
Yet  it  has  decided,  in  the  case  of  Cairter,  that  the  Courts  of 
the  territory  are  not  constitutional  Courts,  and  the  Judges  not 
constitutional  Judges ;  consequently  its  inferior  Courts  not 
inferior  Courts  of  the  United  States. 

We  must  distinguish  between  Political,  and  Municipal  or 
local  laws;  the  former  are  abrogated  ipso  facto,  by  the  charge 
of  sovereignty,  the^later  continue  in  force  until  repealed.  For 
instance  the  whole  body  of  the  Spanish  law  was  repealed  in 
Louisiana,  by  an  edict  of  Governor  O'Reilly,  and  in  Missouri, 
the  Spanish  code,  continue  to  Paris  and  we,  were  abrogated 
by  the  Governor  and  Judges,  under  the  first  grade  of  Govern 
ment,  and  the  common  law  with  the  statutes  of  one  of  the 
States,  substituted  in  their  place.  One  of  the  earliest  decisions 
of  the  Supreme  Court,  was  that  the  United  States  had  no  code 
of  municipal  law,  but  must  resort  to  the  municipal  law  of  the 
State  in  which  it  happened  to  sit. 

Let  us  suppose  the  whole  of  Mexico  conquered  by  our  arms, 
it  may  be  divided,  in  the  first  instance,  into  four  or  five  terri 
tories,  which  may  be  retained  in  that  form  of  government  at 
least  as  long  as  Florida,  and  be,  afterwards,  admitted  as  States, 
or  be  permitted  to  establish  independent  governments,  bound 
to  us  by  treaties  of  alliance,  offensive  and  defensive.  I  hold 
it  as  a  settled  principle,  that  we  cannot  hold  conquered  coun 
tries  like  ancient  or  modern  nations  ;  and  we  cannot,  without 
violating  the  spirit  of  our  institutions,  deny  them  the  right  of  self- 
government,  or  at  least,  of  representation.  The  conquests  we 


72 

may  make,  cannot  fail  to  better  the  condition  of  the  conquered, 
by  affording  them  better  political  institutions  than  those  they 
before  possessed.  Surely,  nothing  can  be  worse  than  the  pre 
sent  military  anarchy  of  Mexice.  They  would  obtain  security 
for  their  rights,  and  obtain  new  ones,  which  they  never  enjoyed 
before ;  they  would  have  peace  within  their  borders,  and  safety 
from  without.  We  should  repel  with  indignation,  the  terms  of 
reproach  heaped  upon  us  by  the  "  tory"  paper  of  England, 
the  "  Times."  Our  free  governments  carry  blessings  with 
them  wherever  they  appear.  Plunder  and  devastation,  form 
no  part  of  the  American  character,  as  is  proved  by  the  progress  of 
our  arms,  marked  by  a  degree  of  humanity  unexampled  in  the 
annals  of  war  and  conquest.  The  affectation  of  concern  for 
their  religion,  manifested  by  the  Mexicans,  is  truly  ridiculous 
in  those  who  tolerate  no  religion  but  that  of  the  State. 

The  subject  of  slavery  is  one  of  local,  that  is,  of  State  or 
territorial  legislation,  except  as  to  the  foreign  slave  trade, 
which  belongs  to  Congress  in  the  regulation  of  foreign  com 
merce.  In  the  territory  Northwest  of  the  Ohio,  there  could 
not  be  said  to  be  any  system  of  law,  it  being  uninhabited,  or  at 
least,  the  population  was  so  inconsiderable,  that  it  was  not  taken 
into  consideration  in  establishing  the  ordinance  of  1787,  before 
the  adoption  of  the  present  Constitution.  It  is  in  the  nature  of 
a  compact  between  the  States,  and  is  not  a  case  in  point. 
But  in  Louisiana,  the  institution  of  slavery  was  already  there, 
and  could  not  be  destroyed  without  interfering  with  a  subject  of 
local  regulation  of  those  territories,  together  with  other  subjects 
of  domestic  concern.  Congress  reserved  to  itself  only  a  right 
to  repeal,  resembling  a  veto,  except  that  the  laws  enacted  con 
tinued  in  force  until  repealed ;  but,  in  no  instance  did  Congress 
tako  the  initiative  in  this  local  legislation.  We  may  often  dis 
cover  the  best  expositions  of  the  power  of  the  Government,  or 
any  branch  of  it,  by  strict  enquiry  into  the  history  of  its  practi 
cal  operation. 


73 

Suppose  the  la ws  of  Mexico  prohibit  slavery,  would  the  sim 
ple  repeal  of  the  laws  establish  it  ?  I  do  not  see  by  what 
reasoniug  it  would  do  so.  Is  it  probable,  I  would  almost  say 
possible,  that  slavery  will  be  introduced  by  positive  enact 
ment  ?  This  would  not  only  be  local  legislation,  and  on  that  ac 
count  objectionable,  even  if  it  were  possible,  as  Congress  is  at 
present  constituted.  It  is  said  to  be  carried  there  by  the  Con 
stitution.  How  can  this  be,  if  the  Constitution  does  not  extend 
there?  A  part  cannot  be  extended  without  extending  the 
whole.  Congress  is  forbidden  by  the  Constitution  to  legislate 
on  certain  subjects.  This  is  true,  but  it  is  a  limitation  on  its 
own  powers,  the  effects  of  which  are  felt  by  the  territories,  as 
well  as  the  States,  but  is  no  argument  to  prove,  that  the  Constuti- 
tion  extends  to  the  former  as  well  as  to  the  latter.  I  cannot 
see  by  what  reasoning  the  Constitution  is  extended  to  them, 
and  yet,  I  can  readily  see  many  curious,  inconvenient,  and  un 
just  consequences  arising  from  this  view  of  the  subject.  It  is 
impossible  to  avoid  snch  consequences,  when  we  attempt  to 
reason  from  false  premises.  We  have  started  wrong  in  acquir 
ing  territory,  when  such  acquisition  was  not  contemplated  by 
the  Constitution ;  and  that  error  is  the  cause  of  other  errors. 
I  see  no  way  of  surmounting  these  difficulties,  but  by  mutual 
forbearance,  reciprocal  respect  for  each  others  feelings  and 

interests.* 

• 

*The  claim  of  the  right  to  go  to  the  acquired,  or  conquered  territories  with 
their  slave  property,  is  insisted  on  by  the  South.  The  attempted  exclusion 
creates  strong  feelings,  as  it  is  regarded  as  offensive  and  ujjust.  If,  accord 
ing  to  my  view  of  the  subject,  the  conquered  or  acquired  territory,  is  neither 
a  part  of  any  State,  nor^a  part  of  the  Union,  the  sovereignty  is  either  in  Con* 
gress,  or  in  the  inhabitants.  According  to  European  reasoning  the  sover 
eignty  is  in  the  Government ;  according  to  ours  it  is  in  the  inhabitants;  be 
cause  with  us,  power  travels  upwards  from  the  people,  but  according  to  the 
old  reasoning,  instead  of  ascending,  it  descends.  But,  if  it  be  assumed^  that 
the  Constitution  follows  our  flag,  even  if  it  be  to  the  Typce  Islands,  then  it 
would  appear  to  me,  that  no  citizen  can  be  directly,  or  indirectly,  excluded, 
on  account  of  his  carrying  with  him,  persons  bound  to  service,  for  that  is 
10 


74 

Much  has  been  said  on  the  subject  of  the  laws  of  Mexico 
abolishing  slavery,  and  no  little  merit  is  ascribed  to  her  for 
her  course  on  this  head.  When  her  pretensions  are  examined? 
it  will  be  seen,  that  she  is  entitled  to  no  credit  whatever.  Af 
rican  slavery  was  not  introduced  into  that  country,  because  the 
native  indians,  who  had  been  reduced  to  a  real  bondage,  al 
ready  formed  a  cheaper  slavery,  than  the  African.  In  the 

a  condition,  or  relation  recognized  by  the  Constitution.  Such  servants  are 
recognized  if  not  as  property,  for  taxation,  yet  as  persons  for  representation. 
If  the  Constitution  conies  in  conflict  with  the  local  laws,  the  latter  must  give 
way ;  this  is  the  necessary  consequence  it  is  contended  of  extending  the 
Constitution  to  the  territories.  Laying  aside  all  this  fine  spun  reasoning, 
there  is  a  common  sense  ground  of  justice  and  equal  right,  in  the  claim  to  equal 
participation  in  the  property  acquired  by  common  means,  and  even  the  appear 
ance  of  the  denial,  must  be  offensive.  The  party  thus  denied,  might  ex 
claim  "  if  it  be  arsenic,  I  will  have  my  share." 

The  nscessity  of  some  legislation  for  the  new  territories,  is  evident,  even 
if  the  first,  or  second  grade  of  government,  be  not  given  to  them.     They 
are  but  fragments  of  other  government «,  depending  on  their  superior,    and 
their  organization  incomplete,  when  cut  off  from  that  superior.     The  juris 
diction  of  their  courts  was  limited,  or  subject  to  appeal;  their  political,  and 
military  offices,  acted  under  the  order  of  their  chief.     The  President  of  the 
United  States  as  commander  in  chief,  would  command  the  military ;  but  the 
United  States  judiciary  could  not  entertain  appeals,  without  authority    of 
Congress ;    and  neither  could  the  President  exercise  civil  control,  without 
the  same  authority.     The  organic  law,  provides  for  the  trial  by  jury,  for  the 
security  of  person,  and  conscience,  not    provided  for  in  despotic  countries. 
The  laws  regulating  intercourse  with  the  indians,  the  Post  office,  and  many 
and  on  other  subjects  require  to  be  specially  extended.     It  is  possible  that  by 
Borne  indispensable  legislation  of  this  kind,   the  new  acquisition,  may  get 
along  for  a  while,  by  supplying  the  deficiency  out  of  that  original  stock  of 
power,  which  men  possess  in  a  state  of  natnre,  when  compelled  to  do  so  by 
necessity.      The  attempt  was  made  in  Florida  during   a   short  interval, 
and  it  gave  rise  to  much  animadversion.    I  admit,  that  it  may  be  in  some 
manner  obviated,  by  special  legislation  on  the  part  of  congress,  if  from  any 
cause,  it  should  be  deemed  inexpedient  to  establish  territorial  governments, 
even  of  the  first  grade.    In  Louisiana  as  in  Florida,  a  Governor  was  appoint, 
ed,  clothed  with  the  powers  of  the  late  Captain   General,  until  Congress 
could  act. 


75 

time  of  the  conquerors,  villages  and  districts  were  granted  to 
them,  the  soil  being  only  of  secondary  consideration.  Their  in 
habitants  were  condemned  to  the  severest  labor,  and  were, 
in  fact,  slaves.  The  Spanish  monarchs  struggled  with  the 
wealthy  proprietors  to  alleviate  the  condition  of  the  unfortunate 
indians,  and  with  success,  so  far  as  to  rescue  them  from  their 
original  servitude ;  but,  they  are,  at  this  day,  little  better  off. 
Under  the  system  of  peonage,  and  the  authority  exercised  by 
the  alcades,  their  freedom  is  but  nominal.  This  kind  of 
slavery  is  not  abolished;  and  as  to  abolishing  negro  slavery,  it 
scarcely  existed  there.  According  to  Mr.  Ward,  a  few  negroes 
were  introduced  about  thirty  years  ago,  but  on  finding  the 
Indian  labor  much  cheaper,  they  were  suffered  to  go  where 
they  pleased.  The  only  slavery  in  Mexico,  except  peonage, 
was  in  Texas.*  This  system  is  founded  on  a  law  of  the 
Siete  Partidas,  which  exempts  females,  ecclesiastics,  mili 
tary  persons,  scholars,  and  gentlemen,  (hidalgos)  from  imprison 
ment,  or  liability  of  person,  for  debt !  The  poor  Indian  is, 
therefore,  the  only  subject  for  the  law  to  operate  on.  This 
kind  of  slavery  commands  the  labor  of  the  adult  laborer, 
without  the  burthen  of  the  aged  and  helpless,  as  is  the  case  of 
siegro  slavery,  which  is  not  only  a  relation,  but  a  community, 
where  the  able-bodied  provide  for  the  helpless.  This  pre- 
tention  to  merit  on  account  of  the  abolition  of  slavery,  is  only 
an  after  thought  arising  out  of  the  hostility  to  Texas.  It  was  a 
subject  of  State  legislation  as  with  us,  until  the  Mexicans 

*  It  is  not  long,  since  a  list  of  the  peons  who  had  escaped  from  the  other 
side  of  the  Rio  Grande  was  published,  and  bitter  complaints  made  by  their 
masters  to  the  Mexican  Government,  which  was  petitioned  for  redress !  It 
is  said  that  some  proprietors  own  thousands,  and  they  are  a  part  of  their 
estates .  It  is  probable  that  neither  slavery  nor  poenage  can  continue  on  the 
borders  of  the  Rio  Grande.  During  our  military  operations  a  large  number 
of  persons  were  freed  by  earning  the  moans  of  paying  the  debts  for  which 
Uiey  were  bound. 


76 

found  that  they  could  make  capital  out  of  it  with  our  aboli 
tionists*,  and  their  English  coadjutors.  I  detest  hypocrisy, 
and  never  was  there  any  thing  of  this  kind  more  palpable, 
than  the  affectation  of  hostility  to  slavery  by  Mexican  phi 
lanthropists  !  In  enumerating  the  causes  of  difference  be 
tween  Mexico  and  Texas,  I  passed  this  topic  in  silence,  because, 
know  it  to  be  hollow  and  insincere,  when  put  forth  by  a  country 
where  human  rights  are  held  so  cheap. 


APPENDIX. 

[  From  the  Republic.] 

MESSRS.  EDITORS:  Some  time  last  Spring,  I  published  in  the  "Commer 
cial  Journal,"  of  Pittsburgh,  some  views  on  the  subject  of  the  California 
gold  region,  which  have  been  confirmed  by  observations  on  the  spot,  pub  - 
lished  in  the  '  'Alta  California,  "  and  by  accounts  still  more  recent  from  that 
country. 

In  .order  to  understand  the  views  referred  to,  it  is  necessary,  in  the  first 
place,  to  give  a  sketch  of  the  geological  features  of  the  country  A  valley 
of  six  hundred  miles  in  length,  and  from  fifty  to  a  hundred  in  width,  is  formed 
by  the  Sierra  Neveda,  or  Snowy  range  on  the  east,  and  by  the  coast  range 
on  the  west.  This  valley  is  watered  by  two  rivers,  the  Sacramento  and  the 
San  Joachim ;  one  rising  due  north,  the  other  due  south,  and  running  to 
wards  each  other;  after  uniting  their  waters  they  enter  the  bay  of  San 
Francisco,  which  partly  bounds  the  western  side  of  the  valley.  These  rivers 
may  be  said  to  wash  the  base  of  the  Sierra  Neveda,  their  waters  being  supplied, 
almost  exclusively,  by  streams  which  take  their  rise  in  that  range  of  moun 
tains.  In  this  manner  they  form  a  continued  line  althongh  coming  from 
opposite  diections,  receiving  the  drainings  and  detritns  brought  ?down  by 
the  innumerable  torrents  which  cut  the  sides  of  the  Sierra.  The  alluvial 
and  diluvial  deposites  are,  therefore,  almost  exclusively  on  the  eastern  side  J 
and  this  accounts, also,  for  the  overflow  of  the  river  on  that  side.  On  look, 
ing  at  the  map  of  Colonel  Fremont,  I  was  struck  with  the  extraordinary 
number  of  these  ravines.  They  look  like  so  many  streaks  on  the  map,  or, 
rather,  lines  drawn  by  artificial  agency  ;  but  that  agency  is  the  sudden  melt 
ing  of  the  snows,  and  heavy  rains  of  that  climate.  One  cause  of  this  great 
quantity  of  water  discharged  by  the  short  mountain  torrents,  is  the  want  of 


77 

sufficient  elevation  of  tho  mountain,  in  that  latitude,  to  retain  the  snows  un 
til  they  can  melt  gradually,  as  is  the  case  of  the  Andes  of  Peru  and  Chili ; 
and  yet  sufficiently  elevated  to  receive  a  great  depth  of  snow.  This,  when 
melted  by  the  rains,  rushes  down  with  great  force,  carrying  detritus  along 
with  it,  and  cutting  through  all  the  incumbent  strata,  until  it  reaches  the 
level  of  the  rivers,  although  still  above  the  trap,  or  granite,  which  forms  the 
nucleus  of  the  mountain. 

As  this  detritus  is  carried  down,  it  becomes  more  and  more  disintegrated, 
until  its  further  progress  is  arrested  by  the  course  of  the  rivers  before  men 
tioned,  and  is  at  last  deposited  in  flue  sand  and  gravel.  The  metalic  threads 
are  found,  probably,  not  less  than  one-third  of  the  way  up  the  mountain  ; 
and  if  a  shaft  were  sunk  at  the  base  of  the  mountain,  it  would  have  to  go 
a  depth  before  reaching  the  vein,  corresponding  with  its  present  elevation 
above  the  original  level.  The  metal,  therefore,  will  only  ba  found  in  these 
alluvial  deposites,  not  beyond  twenty  or  thirty  feet  in  depth,  formed  in  the 
course  of  time  by  the  descending  torrents.  The  nearer  the  river,  and  the 
farther  from  the  seam,  the  finer  will  be  the  particles  of  gold  ;  and  the  higher 
up  the  coarser,  and  less  separated  from  the  quartz  in  which  it  is  detained. 
The  most  expensive  part  of  mining,  reducing  the  quartz  to  sand  by  stamping, 
the  amalgation  with  quicksilver,  and  the  separation  of  these  by  distillation, 
is  thus  saved,  and  the  gold  obtained  with  comparatively  little  expense.  The 
stamping,  or  breaking  up  of  the  quartz,  is  performed  by  the  natural  agency 
of  the  water,  and  by  the  rocks  falling  upon  each  other  in  the  course  of  their 
descent.  Until  these  deposites  shall  be  partially  exhausted,  although  a  much 
more  precarious  pursuit  than  regular  mining,  the  latter  will  not  be  generally 
resorted  to.  There  is  no  doubt,  also,  that  others,  with  more  perfect  ma 
chines  for  washing  and  amalgamation,  will  follow  those  pioneers,  and 
wash  the  same  earth  and  sand  over  again,  to  as  great  profit  as  at  the  first 
operation.  When  I  examined  the  lead  mines  of  Missouri,  I  found  that 
those  who  came  after  the  regular  smelters,  took  their  scoria  and  leavings, 
and  extracted,  by  means  of  the  ash  furnace,  about  twenty-five  per  ceut.,  in 
addition  to  the  firty  already  obtained,  but  without  the  expense  and  uncer- 
ainty  of  mining,  which  rendered  it  a  sort  of  gambling  pursuit. 

Having  giving  this  brief  description,  I  will  now  proceed  to  what  may  be 
callad  theory — that  is.  facts  derived  from  induction*  Let  us  suppose  a  series 
of  horizontal  strata,  one  above  another,  but  of  unequal  depth,  incumbent  on 
the  original  unstratified  mass,  which  forms  the  nucleus  of  the  globe.  Ac 
cording  to  geologists,  this  was  the  natural  position.  Now,  in  consequence  of 
some  powerful  volcanic  agency,  the  lower  mass  is  thrown  up  from  below,  and 
becomes  the  nucleus  of  a  mountain,  and  that  which  was  before  the  lowest, 
now  appears  at  the  top,  while  the  various  strata  which  lay  flat  upon  it  aro 
tilted  up  on  its  sides.  These  being  cut  through,  in  the  manner  described, 


78 

there  is  exposed  to  view  in  these  cuts,  the  various  strata  and  their  contents? 
in  the  same  manner  as  if  a  shaft  had  boen  sunk  through  them  in  their  hori 
zontal  position.  If  there  be  any  metallic  seams  to  the  right  or  left  of  these 
cuts,  they  will  be  seen  like  threads,  and  running  lengthwise  with  the  range 
of  mountains.  The  metals  contained  in  the  now  vacant  spaces  of  these 
ravines,  have  been  carried  away  and  deposited  below.  The  masses,  thus 
broken  and  separated,  have  been  still  further  reduced  in  the  manner  before 
stated,  greatly  diminishing  the  labor  of  mining.  The  deposits  of  detritus 
intermixed  with  gold  may  be  the  work  of  thousands  of  years ;  but  the  quan 
tity  may  be  estimated  by  the  number  and  width  of  the  natural  cuttings 
through  the  gold  seams  now  disconnected.  It  is  certain  that  the  amount  of 
gold  at  the  bottom  cannot  exceed  the  amount  carried  down  from  these  ori 
ginal  deposits.  Without  assuming  that  the  amount  of  gold  deposited  in  the 
Sierra  Nevada  is  actually  greater  than  in  the  same  range  fnrther  south,  ita 
peculiar  geological  and  geographical  character,  may  be  a  reason  why  gold 
may  be  found  in  California  in  greater  abundance  than  in  any  other  part  of 
the  world.  It  is  found  along  this  whole  range  from  Sonora  to  Chili,  al 
though  in  greater  or  less  abundance ;  and  there  is  no  doubt  that  a  variety 
of  other  metals  will  be  met  with,  perhaps  as  valuable,  when  the  psssion  for 
gold  washing  shall  have  somewhat  abated.  It  is  remarkable  that  gold  has 
been  found  almost  invariably  on  the  western  or  Pacific  side  of  the  great 
range,  while  silver^  copper,  and  lead  are  discovered  on  the  eastern  side,  and 
at  a  much  greater  elevation.  It  is  probable  that,  instead  of  gold,  silver  and 
copper  exist  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  Sierra  Nevada,  towards  the  great 
Basin.  What  a  field  for  the  mineralogist ! 

But,  by  what  process,  or  operation  of  nature,  came  these  seams,  or  veins 
ot  gold  or  other  metals,  to  be  thus  deposited  ?  Was  it  by  the  agency  of  fire, 
or  by  water  and  alluvion  ?  I  think  it  probable  that  both  may  have  been  at 
work,  being  the  two  greatest  solvents  in  nature,  and,  at  the  same  time,  the 
greatest  chrystalizers.  Perhaps  metallic  ores  may  be  the  work  of  alluvion, 
and  the  production  pure  metallic  substances — that  of  heat.  With  respect 
to  gold,  I  think  the  latter  theory  is  the  more  reasonable,  as  it  is  always 
found  in  a  pure  state,  while  the  quartz  (or  pure  silox)  in  which  it  is  con. 
tained  may  be  alluvial,  and  one  of  the  earliest  deposites  from  the  decompo 
sition  of  the  ancient  unstratified  mass.  But  where  shall  we  seek  for  the  ori 
ginal  supply  of  the  preciovs  metal  ?  How  is  it  formed,  or  whence  has  it 
been  extracted  by  the  agency  of  heat?  It  is  not  enough  to  say  that,  like 
other  metals,  it  is  found  diffused  throughout  all  nature,  for  an  appreciable 
quantity  of  gold  has  been  extracted  from  violets,  In  my  opinion,  it  exists 
on  the  original  unstratified  mass,  in  imperceptible  proportions;  but  rhose 
proportions  varying  in  different  places,  other  metals  being  more  or  less  abun 
dant.  The  greater  proportion  of  our  soils,  according  to  Sir  Humphrey 


79 

Davy,  is  formed  by  the  decomposition  of  the  original  granite ;  and  this  ac 
counts  for  diffusion  of  gold  in  minute  particles,  which  may  be  tuken  up  by 
plants,  and  enter  into  the  composition  of  organized  bodies.  If  then,  the 
unstratified  rock  is  the  original  seat  of  the  metal,  but  in  particles  infinitely 
minute,  it  may  have  been  separated  by  a  very  high  degree  of  heat,  by  which 
it  would  be  sublimated  or  volatilized,  and  thus  carried  upwards  by  chemi- 
coelectric  force,  by  a  process  resembling  distillation.  In  this  way,  it 
would  penetrate  the  quartz  rock,  or  be  condensed  in  the  spaces  of  the  lami 
nated  strata,  such  as  the  talc,  schist,  or  mica  slate.  Such  is  the  theory  of 
Trimmer,  Buchland,  and  other  modern  mineralogists.  Lyall  says — "  gran 
ite,  syenite,  and  those  porphyries,  which  have  a  granite  form  structure,  in 
short  all  plutonic  rocks  (rocks  having  undergone  the  action  of  heat)  are  fre 
quently  observed  to  contain  metals,  at  or  near  their  junction  with  stratified 
formations.  On  the  other  hand,  the  veins  which  traverse  stratified  rocks  are» 
as  a  general  law,  more  metaliferous  near  such  junctions,  than  in  other  por 
tions.  Hence  it  has  been  inferred  that  these  metals  may  have  been  spread 
in  a  gaseous  form,  through  the  fused  mass,  and  that  the  contact  of  another 
rock,  of  a  different  state  of  temperature  or  sometimes  the  existence  of  rents 
in  other  rocks  in  the  vicinity,  may  have  caused  the  sublimation  of  tho 
metals."  fi^H^TfOf  V»  :JU4JD!<iUr$ 

One  thing  is  certain,  as  may  be  at  once  seen  by  those  who  have  examined 
the  larger  masses  of  gold  brought  from  California,  that  the  finer  particles  of 
gold  havei>een  run  together,  by  a  second  operation  of  heat,  sufficient  only 
to  fuse  them  and  separate  them  from  the  quartz.  The  first  was  distillation* 
tho  second  smelting,  or  rather  simple  fusion.  It  is  possible  that  these  great 
operations  of  nature  have  been  repeated  at  different  intervals,  and  different 
seams  of  quartz  and  gold,  may  be  found  in  ascending  the  ravines;  the  lower, 
more  completely  scattered  (but  in  finer  particles)  through  the  quartz,  and 
the  higher  having  afteawards  undergone  simple  fusion. 

I  think  it  premature  to  offer  any  cenjecture  as  to  the  amount  of  gold 
which  may  be  expected  from  California ;  but  I  cannot  but  think  that  it  will 
be  sufficient  to  produce  a  perceptible  effect  on  its  commercial  value.  Ac 
cording  to  Mr.  PRESCOTT,  the  sudden  influx  of  gold  from  Mexico  and  Peru 
reduced  its  value,  as  compared  to  commodities,  about  two-thirds  in  the 
course  of  twenty  years.  A  new  stimulus  has  been  given  to  the  pursuit  of 
gold  mining  throughout  the  world,  in  consequence  of  the  discoveries  of  our 
enterprising  countrymen  in  Califoania.  The  extraordinary  increase  of  gold 
in  the  Bank  of  England  may  be  an  indication  that  its  value  is  decreasing  as 
compared  to  silver,  and  therefore  less  desirable  for  hoarding.  It  is  certain 
that  it  is  a  less  perfect  standard  of  value  than  silver,  the  latter  being  also  a 
scarce  metal,  compared  to  other  metals,  but  a  better  representative  than 
gold,  of  the  labor  and  capital  expended  in  its  prodnction,  while  gold  has  been 


80 

repeatedly  thrown  into  circulation  in  sadden  and  unlooked-for  quantities, 
I  would  instance  the  amount  of  gold  found  in  Calcutta  on  its  capture  by 
Clive — an  amount,  although  imperfectly  known,  admitted  to  have  been  im 
mense.  We  may  expect  that  the  gold  mines  of  Siberia,  of  Brazil,  of  Mexi 
co  and  Southern  America,  of  the  eastern  and  even  western  parts  of  Europet 
Hungary  Transylvania,  Silesia,  of  Spain,  and  even  of  Norway  and  Sweden, 
as  well  as  of  the  Appalachian,  in  our  southern  States,  will  awaken  new 
efforts  of  combined  skill,  labor,  and  capital. 

H.  M.  BRACKENRIDGE. 

THE    EARLY    DISCOVERIES    OF    THE    SPANIARDS    IN    NEW 

MEXICO. 

MESSRS.  EDITORS  :  One  of  the  most  difficult  things  I  ever  undertook  has 
been  to  trace  the  different  journeys  of  discovery  of  the  Spaniards,  in  the 
country  to  which  they  gave  the  name  of  New  Mexico ;  and  it  would  have 
been  impossible  to  have  accomplished  this  undertaking,  but  for  the  assis 
tance  of  that  extraordinary  and  invaluable  collection  of  maps  and  books  on 
the  subject  of  America,  made  with  great  expense  and  labor,  by  Mr.  F  RCE^ 
of  Washington.  Of  these  difficulties  no  one  can  form  a  just  idea  who  has 
not  made  the  attempt.  It  may  be  proper  to  state,  that  the  whole  country f 
from  the  mountains  east  of  the  Rio  Grande  to  the  Pacific — from  about  32° 
south  to  37°  north— iu  consequence  of  these  discoveries,  and  on  account  of 
its  great  cities,  and  its  numerous  and  civilized  pdpulation,  was  called  New 
Mexico  in  reference  to  old  Mexico,  as  New  Spain  was  named  in  reference  to 
old  Spain.  My  principal  source  of  information  is  the  work  of  Gomara,  and 
Hackluyt's  collection  of  voyages;  but  I  was  obliged' to  consult  many  othe? 
works. 

In  some  of  the  oldest  maps,  the  Colorado  of  California  is  called  the  Ri* 
Grande  del  Norte,  and  is  represented  as  taking  its  rise  in  a  great  lake  to 'the 
north  east ;  while  the  Rio  Grande  of  the  Gulf,  or,  as  it  was  called,  the  North 
Sea,  does  net  appear.  It  will  be  readily  seen  that  this  was  sufficient  to  ac 
count  for  much  of  the  confusion  and  mistakes  of  the  early  writers,  and  of 
the  fruitless  attempts  to  trace  the  early  journeys  of  discovery. 

"The  first  journey  was  that  of  Marco  de  Nicia,  a  friar,  accompanied  by  a 
small  party.  He  set  out  from  Pitatlan,  on  the  Gulf  of  California,  in  latitude 
24°,  in  the  year  1539,  about  twelve  years  after  the  conquest.  I  shall  not 
enter  into  details.  After  some  days'  travel  to  the  north,  through  populous 
countries,  he  came  to  Vacupa,  where  he  first  heard  of  populous  countries  to- 
the  north,  of  the  province  of  Cibola,  aud  of  the  seven  great  cities.  After 
reaching,  as  he  supposed,  latitude  26°,  he  found  indians  who  had  no  knowl 
edge  of  Christians.  He  was  then  about  fifty  leagues  from  the  Gulf  of  Cali 
fornia.  He  was  informed  by  these  indians  of  a'great  plain,  about  thirty  days' 


81 

further  tiavel  to  the  north,  inhabited  by  people  li  ving  in  large  towns,  built 
of  stone  and  lime,  who  wore  cotton  garments,  and  possessing  abundance  of 
gold  and  turquoises,  sometimes  called  emeralds,  from  the  affinity  to  that  pre 
cious  stone. 

Advancing  still  further,  he  sent  a  negro  and  some  indians  to  see  and  re 
port  to  him  on  their  return,  while  he  followed  them  slowly.  Some  of  these 
indians  returned,  and  informed  him  that  they  had  reached  Cibola,  but  had 
been  badly  treated,  and  the  negro  killed.  Nicia,  on  his  return,  wrote 
his  account'  which  is,  in  many  respects,  exaggerated  and  fabulous;  It  gave 
rise,  however,  to  an  expedition  under  Vasques  de  Coronado,  in  1540.  Coro- 
nado  was  greatly  disappointed,  and  freely  gives  the  lie  to  the  accounts  of 
Nicia.  He  went  as  far  as  the  cities  of  Cibola,  which  he  described  as  con 
sisting  of  five  small  towns,  of  five  hundred  houses  each,  well  built  of  stone, 
He  heard  of  populous  provinces  to  the  north,  and  of  cities  en  a  great  salt 
lake,  to  the  northwest,  where  there  was  an  abundance  of  gold.  The  lake 
was  probably  the  Pacific  Ocean.  It  is  remarkable  that  nearly  all  the  tribes 
on  the  Atlantic  slope  had  a  vague  notion  of  the  Pacific,  and  supposed  ft  to 
be  at  a  short  distance  from  them.  He  returned  with  the  intention  of  mak 
ing  another  expedition,  but  which  he  never  accomplished.  The  towns 
which  he  saw,  were,  no  doubt,  near  the  Gila,  and  south  of  that  river,  while 
the  great  province  of  Cibola  lay  to  the  north  between  that  river  and  the 
Colorado.  The  unfavorable  report  of  Coronado,  and  the  failure  ofCortez  in 
his  northern  explorations,  had  the  effect,  no  doubt,  of  discouraging  further 
discoveries  in  this  direction. 

No  further  attempts  were  made  to  explore  the  country  for  nearly  forty 
years.  In  the  mean  time,  the  Spanish  settlements  had  advanced  from 
Guadelaxara  to  New  Biscay,  and  the  valley  of  St.  Bartholomew,  or  Chiwa- 
wa.  In  the  year  1583,  a  well  prepared  exploring  expedition  was  set  on  foot, 
under  the  command  !of  Antonio  de  Espejo.  It  proceeded  north  to  the  Con 
chas  and  Pasaguetas,  numerous  tribes,  who  had  no  previous  knowledge  of 
the  Christians.  Their  course  was  along  the  Conchas. 

They  followed  the  river  to  the  Tobosos  and  Jumanos,  where  they  found 
large  towns,  with  flat  roofs,  built  of  stone  and  lime,  and  regularly  laid  out 
in  streets.  They  now  reached  the  Rio  Grande  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico — here 
is  a  point  of  departure  about  which  there  can  be  no  mistake.  They  proceed 
ed  about  twelve  days  up  the  river,  and  came  to  another  great  nation.  The 
inhabitants  wore  mantles  of  cotton  with  blue  stripes,  of  handsome  fabric.  I 
have  no  doubt  this  was  the  present  Paso  del  Norte.  After  leaving  this, 
they  travelled  fifteen  days  up  the  river,  through  a  country  not  admitting  of 
population,  and  this  is  its  present  character,  until  they  came  to  what  may 
be  called  the  valley  of  Santa  Fe.  They  found  towns  with  houses  four  and 
five  stories  high,  warmed  by  stoves,  and  ladders  to  ascend  from  eae  story  t<& 
11 


the  other.  They  proceeded  thence  to  Tiguasi,  where  they  found  sixteen 
towns.  Here  they  learned  that  the  eastern  part  of  Cibola  bordered  on  this 
province,  the  western  border  of  which  had  been  visited  by  Coronado.  They 
speak  of  eleven  other  towns  containing  forty  thousand  inhabitants.  Whe 
ther  they  meant  families  (vicinos)  or  souls,  I  am  unable  to  say.  They  pro 
ceeded  up  the  Rio  Grande  to  Cia,  or  Zia,  the  largest  town  they  had  seer*- 
containing  twenty  thousand  inhabitants  and  eight  market-houses.  The 
houses  were  plastered  and  handsomely  painted,  and  the  people  civilized.  At 
this  place,  hearing  of  a  great  province  to  the  northwest,  they  took  that  di. 
rection.  They  heard  of  seven  large  towns,  but  did  not' go  to  see  them.  Fif 
teen  leagues  further,  still  going  west,  they  came  to  a  great  town  called  Aco- 
ma,  situated  on  a  high  rock,  accessible  only  by  a  way  cut  in  the  rock.  The 
inhabitants  were  supplied  with  water  by  cisterns.  Twenty-four  leagues  fur 
ther,  they  came  to  the  province  of  Zuni,  called  by  the  Spaniards  Cibola, 
where  the  inhabitants  had  information  of  the  visit  of  Coronado.  They  were 
informed  that,  at  the  distance  of  eighty  leagues,  there  was  a  great  lake, 
many  large  towns,  and  plenty  of  gold— probably  California.  The  main  par 
ty  now  returned  towards  the  Rio  Grande,  while  Espejo  and  nine  companions 
went  further  west.  After t  travelling  twenty-eight  leagues,  they  found  a 
great  province,  containing  fifty  thousand  inhabitants,  called  Zaguato.  They 
heard  much  of  the  cities  of  the  Great  Salt  Lake,  the  Pacific  and  their  wealth » 
gold,  &c.  Espejo  made  an  excursion  of  forty  five  leagues  to  the  north 
west,  where  it  was  said  there  were  silver  mines,  and  which  he  found  very 
rich .  This  was  near  two  rivers  of  reasonable  size,  probably  the  Colorado 
and  the  Jaguisita.  I  am  satisfied  that  the  country  thus  explored  lay  be 
tween  the  Gila  and  the  Colorado. 

On  the  return  of  Espejo,  the  main  party  determined  to  return  to  New 
Biscay,  or  Chiwawa,  but  he  resolved  to  ascend  higher  up  the  river.  The 
only  mention  of  degrees  of  latitude  is  on  one  occasion,  when  they  speak  of 
having  reached  the  37th  degree  ;  but  this  was  probably  mere  guess-work. 

Espejo  now  ascended  the  river  sixty  leagues  to  Quires ;  thence,  going 
east,  he  came  to  Hubites,  containing  twenty-five  thousand  inhabitants,  and 
he  heard  of  the  Tamas,  containing ,  forty  thousand.  Whether  these  were 
towns  or  provinces  is  not  stated.  All  the  places  visited  had  gold,  and  tur 
quoises,  and  manufactured  fine  cotton  cloths.  The  myriads  of  buffalo,  or 
crooked  backed  oxen,  which  covered  the  whole  face  of  the  country  were 
mistaken  for  domestic  herds;  no  country  on  the  globe  was  ever  so  abun 
dantly  supplied  with  the  means  of  subsistence  through  this  animal,  as  were 
the  aborigines  of  the  interior  of  North  America .  So  that  particular  districts 
might  be  most  thickly  populated,  while  vast  unoccupied  regions  lay  around 
t  hem,  swarning  with  the  buffalo,  or  rather  the  bison,  which  is  the  true  name 
of  tkat  animal.  Their  skins  were  elegantly  dressed  by  them;  and,  for  the 


83 

uner  kinds,  tho  mountain  sheep,  or  goat,  or  chamois,  as  the  Spaniards  cal 
led  it,  furnished  an  abundant  supply.  Espejo  resolved  to  return  by  a  differ 
ent  course,  and  was  conducted  by  the  indians  down  the  Rio  de  las  Vacas* 
which  he  followed  120  leagues,  meeting  with  no  inhabitants,  but  vast  num. 
bers  of  cattle.  But  without  seeing  any  habitations,  the  herdsmen  appear 
ing  to  live  among  their  herds.  The  use  of  fire-arms  has  no  doubt  rendered 
them  more  shy,  and  at  one  time  they  literally  blackened  the  face  of  the  west 
ern  praires.  Their  range  was  limited  both  to  the  south  and  north.  He 
then  struck  across  to  the  Rio  Grande,  and  came  to  the  Conchas,  by  which 
he  returned  to  New  Biscay.  The  Rio  de  las  Vacas  is  evidently  the  Rio 
Puerco,  or  Pecos.  Here  closses  the  expedition.  Having  the  point  of  depar 
ture  fixed,  and  at  the  same  time  the  point  of  termination  equally  ascertain 
ed,  I  think  the  whole  mystery  of  these  expeditions  has  been  cleared  up. 

The  question  will  naturally  present  itself,  what  has  become  of  the  millions 
of  civilized  people  who  occupied  New  Mexico  ?  I  will  ask,  what  has  be 
come  of  the  millions  of  Yucatan,  of  Chiapas,  and  of  Old  Mexico  ?  The  re 
duction  to  slavery,  their  wars,  and  other  causes,  are  not  sufficient  to  account 
for  the  disappearance  of  the  great  nations  of  the  west,  or  of  the  Atlantic 
elope.  In  looking  fora  cause,  I  have  found  one  fully  adequate,  in  that 
horrid  plague  and  scourge,  the  small-pox.  Let  any  one  read  the  accounts 
of  McKenzie,  Carver,  and  Catlin,  and  I  think  he  will  seek  no  further  for  it. 
To  the  indian  it  is  peculiarly  fatal,  not  only  from  his  want  of  skill  in  treat 
ing  it,  but  from  his  physical  organization  ;  his  skin  is  so  remarkably  thick 
that  the  pustules  cannot  break  through  it,  and  the  disease  is  almost  always 
fatal.  When  among  the  Arikaras,  I  was  informed  by  them  that  they  were 
but  the  remnant  of  seventeen  towns  lower  down  the  river,  and  I  traced 
their  former  abode  for  seven  miles.  The  Arikaras  and  Mandans  have  since 
disappeared  frotn  the  earth.  After  the  greater  part  had  been  carried  off  by 
the  small-pox,  the  survivers  abandoned  these  towns  and  fled,  covering  their 
trails  as  they  went,  as  if  pursued  by  an  enemy  ;  but  that  mortal  foe  still 
followed  them  to  annihilation.  I  have  not  been  able  to  find  any  account  of 
tho  nations  of  New  Mexico  from  the  year  1583  until  1698;  and  it  is  perhaps 
during  that  interval,  that  the  rapid  destruction  of  the  American  tribes  and 
nations  took  place,  while  there  was  no  one  to  record  the  desolation  of  the 
provinces  of  Cibola,  or  the  country  of  the  Buffaloe,  which  is  the  meaning  of 
the  word.  The  ruins  of  cities  on  the  Gila,  and  between  it  and  the  Colora 
do,  remain  to  prove  the  fact  that  they  once  existed.  Yet,  there  are  somo 
remnants  of  their  former  civilization  in  the  Nabahoes,  and  the  Pumas  one 
on  the  Gila,  the  other  on  the  heads  of  the  Colorado,  who  still  live  in  well- 
built  houses,  and  manufacture  their  beautiful  blankets.  The  suggestion  I 
have  made  might  be  extended  to  the  old  world,  and  its  ruined  cities  of  Asia 
and  Africa. 


84 

The  only  recent  account  of  the  country  between  the  Gila  and  the  Colora 
do  which  I  have  been  able  to  meet  with,  is  in  Pattie's  Narrative,  a  hunter  of 
Kentucky,  who  trapped  on  the  Gila  and  Colorado  twenty-five  years  ago, 
whose  journal  is  done  into  readable  English  by  the  geographer,  Flint.  Pat- 
tie  saw  many  of  these  ruins ;  saw  much  fine  land  heavily  timbered  ;  and  by 
the  friendship  of  the  Nabahoes,  was  directed  through  a  pass  at  the  head  of 
the  Colorado  which  carried  him  to  the  Platt  of  the  Missouri.  This  is,  pos 
sibly,  the  pass  sought  for  by  Colonel  Fremont.  Pattie  went  through  it  in 
May;  if  it  was  bad  then,  what  must  it  have  been  in  the  depth  of  winter  ! 
I  am  of  opinion,  that  between  32°  and  37°  there  is  sufficient  land  to  make 
two  States,  without  going  east  of  the  Rio  Grande  del  Norte.  Yet,  it  was 
but  partially  seen  by  Pattie.  It  appears  to  be  a  mountainous  country,  well 
watered,  and  no  doubt  abounding  in  minerals,  and  having  many  rich  val 
leys  adapted  to  cultivation.  The  Colorado  is  a  fine  river,  navigable  eight 
hundred  or  a  thousand  miles  with  steamboats,  unless  there  be  obstructions 
that  we  do  not  know  of.  In  extent,  it  is  equal  to  Pennsylvania  or  Virginia. 
It  will  not  be  long  before  it  will  be  thoroughly  explored  by  our  countrymen. 
Pattie  says  that  it  contains  numeroes  bands  of  the  most  savage  and  ferocious 
Indians,  armed  with  bows  and  arrows  pointed  with  flint,  who  have  had  no 
intercourse  or  knowledge  of  the  whites.  He  says  that  the  country  in  some 
respects  reminded  him  of  parts  of  Kentucky,  his  native  State. 

H.  M.  BRACKENRIDGE. 


DESTRUCTION  OF  THE  INDIANS  BY  SMALLPOX. 

I  could  bring  together  numerous  separate  accounts  of  the  fatal  ravages  of 
this  disease  among  the  Indians  in  different  portions  of  the  continent.  Ber- 
nal  Dias,  incidentally  mentions,  that  it  carried  off  a  million  shortly  after  the 
conquest,  but  how  many  more  we  are  not  told.  The  disease,  no  doubt,  ap 
peared  at  different  intervals.  A  sermon  by  a  New  England  divine,  (in  the 
collection  of  Mr.  Force)  of  1621,  mentions  that  not  more  than  one  in  twenty 
of  the  natives  then  remained,  the  rest  having  been  carried  off  by  the  small 
pox.  In  a  Jesuit  account  which  I  found  in  the  same  collection,  it  appears 
that  it  broke  out  among  the  Indians  in  Chiwawa  in  1617,  and  carried  off 
whole  tribes  of  Indians.  There  was  no  escape  from  it,  for  as  long  as  two  re 
mained  together  the  contagion  might  be  there  ;  it  was,  therefore,  more  fatal 
than  an  atmospheric  epidemic,  which  might  be  checked  by  change  of  place 
or  season.  The  Indian  fled  from  his  village  or  town,  and  never  returned  to 
it ;  he  never  dared  to  approach  it  afterwards,  believing  it  to  be  haunted  by 
evil  spirits.  In  many  places,  this  superstitious  dread  prevails  to  this'day. 

McKenzie  gives  the  following  account  of  the  destruction  of  the  Kniste- 


85 

new  and  Chippowyen  tribes  in  1780  :  "  This  was  the  small  pox  which 
spread  its  destructive  and  desolating  power,  as  the  fire  consumes  the  dry 
grass  of  the  field.  The  fatal  infection  spread  round  with  a  baneful  rapidity 
which  no  flight  could  escape,  and  with  a  fatal  effect  that  nothing  could  re 
sist.  It  destroyed  with  its  pestilential  breath  whole  families  and  tribes ;  and 
the  horrid  scene  presented  to  those  who  had  the  melancholy  and  afflicting  op 
portunity  of  beholding  it,  a  combination  of  the  dead,  the  dying,  and  such, 
as  to  avoid  the  horrid  fate  their  friends  around  them,  prepared  to  disappoint 
the  plague  of  its  prey,  by  terminating  their  own  existence. 

"  The  habits  and  lives  of  those  devoted  people,  which  provided  not  to-day 
for  the  wants  of  to-morrow,  must  have  heightened  the  pains  of  such  an  af 
fliction,  by  leaving  them  not  only  without  remedy;  but  even  without  allevia 
tion  .  Nought  was  left  to  those  but  to  submit  in  agony  ^nd  despair." 

"To  aggravate  the  picture,  if  aggravation  were  possible,  may  be  added,  the 
putrid  carcasses  which  the  wolves,  with  a  furious  voracity,  dragged  from  the 
huts,  or  which  were  mangled  within  them  by  the  dogs,  whose  hunger  was 
satisfied  with  the  disfigured  remains  of  their  masters.  Nor  was  it  uncommon 
for  the  father  of  a  family  whom  the  infection  had  not  reached,  to  call  them 
around  him,  to  represent  the  crnel  sufferings  and  horrid  fate  of  their  rela 
tions,  from  the  influence  of  some  evil  spirit  who  was  preparing  to  exterpate 
their  race,  and  to  invite  them  to  baffle  death  with  all  its  horrors,  by  their 
own  poignards.  A;  the  same  time,  if  their  hearts  failed  them  in  this  neces 
sary  act,  he  was  himself  ready  to  perform  the  deed  of  mercy  with  his  own 
hand,  as  the  last  act  of  his  affection;  and  instantly  follow  them  to  the  corn- 
men  place  of  rest  and  repose  from  human  evil. 

"  It  was  never  satisfactorily  ascertained  by  what  means  this  malignant 
disorder  was  introduced,  but  it  was  generally  supposed  to  be  from  Missouri 
by  a  war  party." 


